|
20 years on::
rethinking Schengen
|
2015
|
|
The added value of CSDP operations
|
2013
|
|
Afghanistan ::
la difficile reconstruction d’un Etat
|
2004
|
|
Afghanistan 2011-2014 and beyond::
from support operations to sustainable peace
|
2011
|
|
AFRICA ATLAS:
Mapping the future of the AU-EU partnership
|
2003
|
|
Africa growing?:
Past, present and future
|
2017
|
|
Africa uprising?:
The protests, the drivers, the outcomes
|
2016
|
|
AFRICAN CONFLICTIVITY:
How connectivity can affect conflict and fragility dynamics in Africa
|
2023
|
|
African futures::
Horizon 2025
|
2017
|
|
AFRICAN FUTURES 2030:
Free trade, peace and prosperity
|
2021
|
|
AFRICAN SPACES:
The new geopolitical frontlines
|
2022
|
|
AFRICAN STRATEGIES:
European and global approaches towards sub-Saharan Africa
|
2020
|
|
AFTER NAGORNO-KARABAKH:
A case for the EU’s strategic engagement in the new South Caucasus
|
2023
|
|
After the EU global strategy – Building resilience
|
2017
|
|
After the EU global strategy – Consulting the experts:
Security and defence
|
2016
|
|
The Agenda for the EU-US strategic partnership
|
2011
|
|
ALGERIA::
ADVERSARIES IN SEARCH OF UNCERTAIN COMPROMISES
|
1992
|
|
Algeria’s army::
on jihadist alert
|
2015
|
|
Along the road:
Gwadar and China’s power projection
|
2018
|
|
Along the road:
Sri Lanka’s tale of two ports
|
2018
|
|
Along the Road:
China in the Arctic
|
2018
|
|
The American sequester - and us
|
2013
|
|
APPEASEMENT AND AUTONOMY:
Armenian-Russian relations from revolution to war
|
2021
|
|
Arab armies::
agents of change? Before and after 2011
|
2014
|
|
ARAB CLIMATE FUTURES:
Of risk and readiness
|
2021
|
|
The Arab common market::
Fighters, weapons, ideologies
|
2016
|
|
The Arab democratic wave:
How the EU can seize the moment
|
2011
|
|
Arab futures::
Three scenarios for 2025
|
2015
|
|
ARAB FUTURES 2.0:
The road to 2030
|
2019
|
|
Arab transitions::
late departure, destination unknown
|
2014
|
|
Arab wars::
calculating the costs
|
2017
|
|
The Arab War(s) on Terror
|
2014
|
|
ARAB YOUTH FUTURES:
No lost generation
|
2021
|
|
Arctic security matters
|
2015
|
|
ARCTIC STRESS TEST:
Great power competition and Euro-Atlantic defence in the High North
|
2020
|
|
Article 346 and the qualified application of EU law to defence
|
2014
|
|
Artificial Intelligence:
What implications for EU security and defence?
|
2018
|
|
Back from the cold?:
The EU and Belarus in 2009
|
2009
|
|
Balkan foreign fighters::
from Syria to Ukraine
|
2017
|
|
BALKAN FUTURES::
THREE SCENARIOS FOR 2025
|
2018
|
|
THE BALTIC STATES::
SECURITY AND DEFENCE AFTER INDEPENDENCE
|
1995
|
|
The bear and the beaver::
Russia and European energy security
|
2015
|
|
BECOMING A MILITARY DISTRICT:
Deepening military cooperation between Russia and Belarus
|
2022
|
|
Belarus::
time for a ‘principled’ re-engagement
|
2016
|
|
Belgrade and Pristina::
lost in normalisation?
|
2018
|
|
THE BENEFIT OF HINDSIGHT:
What we got wrong – and why
|
2019
|
|
BETWEEN A ROCK AND A BULLET:
Security provision and the protection of civilians in the Sahel
|
2023
|
|
BETWEEN COOPERATION AND COMPETITION::
THE TRANSATLANTIC DEFENCE MARKET
|
2001
|
|
BEYOND YEMEN’S MILITIADOMS:
Restarting from local agency
|
2020
|
|
THE BLACK SEA REGION::
CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR EUROPE
|
1999
|
|
A BLACKLIST IS (ALMOST) BORN:
Building a resilient EU human rights sanctions regime
|
2020
|
|
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA’S QUEST FOR EU MEMBERSHIP:
Breaking the grip of political and institutional deadlock
|
2023
|
|
Breaking new ground::
EU-US cooperation in crisis management
|
2014
|
|
BRICS bloc(k) rising?
|
2015
|
|
BRICS – what’s in a name?
|
2013
|
|
Building peace in Mali::
The elections and beyond
|
2013
|
|
Building the future:
The EU’s contribution to global governance
|
2007
|
|
BUILDING WEAPONS TOGETHER (OR NOT):
How to strengthen the European defence industry
|
2023
|
|
Bush’s legacy and America’s next foreign policy
|
2008
|
|
THE BUTTERFLY EFFECT:
Why does Eastern Europe matter to Japan?
|
2020
|
|
BUYING WEAPONS TOGETHER (OR NOT):
Joint defence acquisition and parallel arms procurement
|
2023
|
|
Can ISIL be copied?
|
2015
|
|
CAN PEACE BECOME AFFORDABLE?:
Lessons from security sector expenditure reviews in West Africa
|
2019
|
|
Central African Republic::
Post-transitional realities
|
2016
|
|
CFSP, defence and flexibility
|
2000
|
|
Changing Belarus
|
2005
|
|
A changing global environment
|
2014
|
|
China::
setting the agenda(s)?
|
2015
|
|
China and Russia::
an Eastern partnership in the making?
|
2016
|
|
CHINA AND THE BATTLE OF COALITIONS:
The ‘circle of friends’ versus the Indo-Pacific strategy
|
2022
|
|
CHINA’S BLOCKCHAIN AND CRYPTOCURRENCY AMBITIONS:
The first-mover advantage
|
2021
|
|
CHINA’S DATA STRATEGY:
Creating a state-led market
|
2021
|
|
China’s energy demands::
Are they reshaping the world?
|
2014
|
|
CHINA’S FOOTPRINT IN LATIN AMERICA:
Recent developments and challenges ahead
|
2022
|
|
China’s Foreign Policy Debates
|
2010
|
|
CHINA’S GLOBAL SECURITY INITIATIVE:
When the process matters more than the content
|
2023
|
|
China’s People’s Liberation Army:
The politico-military nexus
|
2015
|
|
China’s Road::
into the Western Balkans
|
2017
|
|
China’s Road::
into Eastern Europe
|
2017
|
|
China’s way::
the new Silk Road
|
2014
|
|
Chindia in Africa
|
2016
|
|
Chinese futures::
Horizon 2025
|
2017
|
|
Civil wars::
a very short introduction
|
2013
|
|
Civilian crisis management::
the EU way
|
2006
|
|
Civilian crisis management::
Towards a new paradigm
|
2016
|
|
Civilian CSDP::
what next?
|
2016
|
|
The Civilian CSDP Compact:
A success story for the EU’s crisis management Cinderella?
|
2018
|
|
Civil-military relations in the MENA::
between fragility and resilience
|
2016
|
|
Climate and power::
ending the oil age?
|
2015
|
|
Climate change and EU security:
When and how they intersect
|
2014
|
|
THE COMEBACK KID:
Russia in Latin America
|
2021
|
|
COMPLIANT OR COMPLICIT?:
Security implications of the art market
|
2021
|
|
CONFLICT PREVENTION IN MOZAMBIQUE:
Can there be peace after the storm?
|
2019
|
|
CONFLICT PREVENTION IN THE BALKANS::
CASE STUDIES OF KOSOVO AND THE FYR OF MACEDONIA
|
1997
|
|
CONFLICTS TO COME:
15 scenarios for 2030
|
2020
|
|
Congolese lessons for the Great Lakes
|
2015
|
|
CONNECTING THE DOTS:
Challenges to EU connectivity in Central Asia
|
2019
|
|
COOPERATION IN PEACEKEEPING AMONG THE EURO-MEDITERRANEAN ARMED FORCES
|
1999
|
|
COOPERATIVE SECURITY IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION
|
1998
|
|
Countering terrorism::
an area for EU-China cooperation?
|
2015
|
|
Countering violent extremism::
The Horn of Africa
|
2016
|
|
Counterinsurgency::
not an Arab specialty
|
2015
|
|
The crime-terrorism nexus
|
2017
|
|
Crisis rooms::
towards a global network?
|
2014
|
|
CSDP::
getting third states on board
|
2014
|
|
CSDP between internal constraints and external challenges
|
2013
|
|
THE CSDP IN 2020:
The EU’s legacy and ambition in security and defence
|
2020
|
|
CSDP in action:
What contribution to international security?
|
2015
|
|
CURSE OR BLESSING?:
How cheap oil influences conflict dynamics
|
2021
|
|
CYBER CONFLICT UNCODED:
The EU and conflict prevention in cyberspace
|
2020
|
|
Cyber jihadists and their web
|
2015
|
|
Cyber world::
site under construction
|
2013
|
|
Cybersecurity and democracy:
Hacking, leaking and voting
|
2016
|
|
DEALING WITH DIVERSITY:
THE EU AND LATIN AMERICA TODAY
|
2018
|
|
DECIPHERING CHINA IN THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2020
|
|
Defence budgets::
Europe’s Maginot moment?
|
2014
|
|
Defence budgets in Europe::
Downturn or U-turn?
|
2015
|
|
Defence industries in Arab states::
players and strategies
|
2017
|
|
Defence industries in Russia and China::
players and strategies
|
2017
|
|
DEFENCE MARKETS AND INDUSTRIES IN EUROPE::
TIME FOR POLITICAL DECISIONS?
|
1995
|
|
Defence matters 2013:
EU KEY DOCUMENTS
|
2014
|
|
Defence procurement in the European Union:
The current debate
|
2005
|
|
Defence & technology::
the US between Silicon Valley and European allies
|
2015
|
|
THE DEMOCRATIC CONTROL OF ARMED FORCES
|
1996
|
|
DEVIL IN THE DETAIL:
Local versus regional approaches to peace in Donbas
|
2020
|
|
DIGITAL DIVIDE?:
Transatlantic defence cooperation on Artificial Intelligence
|
2020
|
|
DIGITAL TECHNOLOGIES AND CIVIL CONFLICTS:
Insights for peacemakers
|
2021
|
|
DIGITALISING DEFENCE:
Protecting Europe in the age of quantum computing and the cloud
|
2020
|
|
Disarming Syria
|
2013
|
|
Disasters, Diseases, Disruptions::
a new D-drive for the EU
|
2005
|
|
Do sanctions against Russia work?
|
2014
|
|
DOGS OF WAR:
Russia’s corporate warriors in armed conflicts
|
2023
|
|
Drones for Europe
|
2013
|
|
Drug trafficking in the MENA:
The economics and the politics
|
2017
|
|
E pluribus unum::
Decision-makers and decision-making in Iran
|
2008
|
|
EASING, SUSPENDING AND PHASING OUT:
The forgotten potential of sanctions relief
|
2023
|
|
THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP A DECADE ON:
Looking back, thinking ahead
|
2019
|
|
The Ebola outbreak::
local and global containment
|
2014
|
|
The economic impact of violence in LAC::
implications for the EU
|
2017
|
|
Education and training for European defence equipment programmes
|
2008
|
|
Effective minilateralism for the EU:
What, when and how
|
2016
|
|
Effective non-proliferation:
The European Union and the 2005 NPT Review Conference
|
2005
|
|
THE EFFECTS OF ENLARGEMENT ON BILATERAL RELATIONS IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE
|
1997
|
|
Egyptian Democracy and the Muslim Brotherhood
|
2011
|
|
Enabling partners to manage crises:
From ‘train and equip’ to capacity-building
|
2015
|
|
Enabling the future:
European military capabilities 2013-2025: challenges and avenues
|
2013
|
|
Energising TTIP::
Diversification through trade?
|
2014
|
|
Energy moves and power shifts:
EU foreign policy and global energy security
|
2014
|
|
Enforcing non-proliferation:
The European Union and the 2006 BTWC Review Conference
|
2006
|
|
Engaging Indonesia
|
2013
|
|
ENLARGEMENT::
A NEW NATO
|
2001
|
|
Enlargement and European defence after 11 September
|
2002
|
|
Enter the EU Battlegroups
|
2007
|
|
ENVISIONING EUROPEAN DEFENCE::
FIVE FUTURES
|
2016
|
|
Etats-Unis ::
le temps de la diplomatie transformationnelle
|
2006
|
|
The EU::
from comprehensive vision to integrated action
|
2017
|
|
The EU and Africa::
a changing security partnership
|
2016
|
|
The EU and its (cyber) partnerships
|
2014
|
|
EU and Japan::
stepping up the game
|
2015
|
|
THE EU AND LATIN AMERICA:
Convergences and divergences
|
2023
|
|
THE EU AND NATO:
The essential partners
|
2019
|
|
THE EU AND NORTH AFRICA:
Lost in recalibration
|
2023
|
|
The EU and sub-Saharan Africa::
An energy partnership?
|
2014
|
|
The EU and the NPT::
drawing lines
|
2015
|
|
The EU and the world: players and policies post-Lisbon:
A handbook
|
2016
|
|
THE EU AS A MARITIME SECURITY PROVIDER
|
2019
|
|
The EU as a terrorist target::
Why, where, and how
|
2016
|
|
The EU as a terrorist target::
Why, where, and how
|
2016
|
|
EU Battlegroups – ready to go?
|
2013
|
|
EU cooperative threat reduction activities in Russia
|
2003
|
|
The EU Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox::
towards a cyber sanctions regime?
|
2017
|
|
EU cyber-defence::
a work in progress
|
2014
|
|
EU defence capability development:
Plans, priorities, projects
|
2018
|
|
THE EU ENGAGEMENT IN AFGHANISTAN:
Insights and emerging lessons
|
2022
|
|
EU home affairs diplomacy::
why, what, where – and how
|
2015
|
|
The EU in a multiplex world
|
2015
|
|
The EU in Myanmar::
Preventive diplomacy in action?
|
2014
|
|
The EU migration crisis:
Getting the numbers right
|
2017
|
|
The EU neighbours 1995-2015::
shades of grey
|
2015
|
|
EU sanctions in context::
three types
|
2015
|
|
EU security and defence:
Core documents 2006
|
2007
|
|
EU security and defence:
Core documents 2004
|
2005
|
|
EU security and defence:
Core documents 2008
|
2009
|
|
EU security and defence:
Core documents 2005
|
2006
|
|
EU security and defence:
Core documents 2007
|
2008
|
|
EU Security and Defence Policy:
The first five years (1999-2004)
|
2004
|
|
EU stakes in Central Asia
|
2006
|
|
The EU-China partnership::
10 years on
|
2013
|
|
EU-GCC RELATIONS:
How to forge a stronger partnership?
|
2023
|
|
The EU-India partnership::
time to go strategic?
|
2012
|
|
EU-INDIA RELATIONS:
Gaining strategic traction?
|
2024
|
|
EUISS YEARBOOK OF EUROPEAN SECURITY:
2023
|
2023
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2013
|
2013
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2013
|
2013
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2013
|
2013
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2014
|
2013
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2014
|
2013
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2014
|
2013
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2015
|
2014
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2016
|
2015
|
|
EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y•E•S 2017
|
2016
|
|
EU-LAC::
the other transatlantic partnership
|
2015
|
|
EUPOL Afghanistan 2007/16::
Mission Impossible?
|
2017
|
|
The Eurasian Customs Union::
The economics and the politics
|
2014
|
|
EURASIAN UNION::
THE REAL, THE IMAGINARY AND THE LIKELY
|
2014
|
|
Europe::
spread (not lost) in space
|
2013
|
|
EUROPE AND THE CHALLENGE OF PROLIFERATION
|
1996
|
|
European armaments cooperation:
Core documents
|
2003
|
|
European defence::
the year ahead
|
2017
|
|
EUROPEAN DEFENCE::
MAKING IT WORK
|
2000
|
|
EUROPEAN DEFENCE::
WHY NOT THE TWELVE?
|
1991
|
|
European defence:
A proposal for a White Paper
|
2004
|
|
European defence collaboration:
Back to the future
|
2015
|
|
European defence cooperation in the second machine age
|
2017
|
|
EUROPEAN DEFENCE PARTNERSHIPS:
Stronger Together
|
2023
|
|
European defence spending 2015::
The force awakens
|
2016
|
|
The European future of the Western Balkans::
Thessaloniki@10 (2003-2013)
|
2013
|
|
EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND DEFENCE::
THE ULTIMATE CHALLENGE?
|
2000
|
|
EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND NUCLEAR DETERRENCE AFTER THE COLD WAR
|
1992
|
|
European perspectives on the new American foreign policy agenda
|
2009
|
|
EUROPEAN PUBLIC OPINION AND SECURITY POLICY
|
1997
|
|
EUROPEAN SECURITY::
THE NEW TRANSNATIONAL RISKS
|
1997
|
|
EUROPEAN SECURITY ACROSS THE MEDITERRANEAN
|
1991
|
|
European Security and Defence Policy::
the first ten years (1999-2009)
|
2009
|
|
EUROPEAN SECURITY INTEGRATION IN THE 1990s
|
1991
|
|
The European Security Strategy 2003-2008:
Building on Common Interests
|
2009
|
|
EUROPEAN SOVEREIGNTY:
Strategy and interdependence
|
2021
|
|
The European Union and armaments:
Getting a bigger bang for the Euro
|
2003
|
|
The European Union and the crisis in the Middle East
|
2003
|
|
THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS
|
2000
|
|
The European Union and the United Nations:
Partners in effective multilateralism
|
2005
|
|
European Union security and defence:
CORE DOCUMENTS 2009
|
2010
|
|
European Union security and defence:
CORE DOCUMENTS 2010
|
2011
|
|
EUROPE’S BOAT PEOPLE::
MARITIME COOPERATION IN THE MEDITERANEAN
|
2000
|
|
EU-Russia::
overcoming stagnation
|
2014
|
|
THE EU’S ARMS CONTROL CHALLENGE:
Bridging nuclear divides
|
2021
|
|
THE EU’S CHEMICAL WEAPONS SANCTIONS REGIME:
Upholding a taboo under attack
|
2020
|
|
THE EU’S CIVILIAN HEADQUARTERS:
Inside the control room of civilian crisis management
|
2022
|
|
EU-US burdensharing::
who does what?
|
2005
|
|
THE EU-US SECURITY AND JUSTICE AGENDA IN ACTION
|
2011
|
|
Exit strategies::
what’s in a name?
|
2014
|
|
Facing China’s rise::
Guidelines for an EU strategy
|
2006
|
|
Feed the world?:
The challenges of global food security
|
2013
|
|
FEELING THE PULSE:
Countering foreign information manipulation and interference in Africa and the Western Balkans
|
2023
|
|
Fermer Yalta
|
2007
|
|
Fighting piracy in the Gulf of Guinea:
Offshore and onshore
|
2013
|
|
Fighting piracy off the coast of Somalia:
Lessons learned from the Contact Group
|
2014
|
|
Fighting proliferation — European perspectives
|
2003
|
|
FIRE AND ICE:
The Russian-Turkish partnership
|
2021
|
|
FOG IN CHANNEL?:
The impact of Brexit on EU and UK foreign affairs
|
2021
|
|
FOOTPRINTS IN THE SAND:
China’s and India’s low-key but growing presence in the Maghreb
|
2023
|
|
For EU eyes only?:
Intelligence and European security
|
2016
|
|
Fostering resilience in the Western Balkans
|
2017
|
|
Friends again?:
EU-US relations after the crisis
|
2006
|
|
FROM BAD TO WORSE?:
The impact(s) of Covid-19 on conflict dynamics
|
2020
|
|
FROM COOPERATION TO INTEGRATION::
DEFENCE AND AEROSPACE INDUSTRIES IN EUROPE
|
2000
|
|
From Copenhagen to Brussels:
European defence: core documents
|
2003
|
|
FROM DECOUPLING TO RECOUPLING:
A new security relationship between Russia and Western Europe?
|
1998
|
|
From Laeken to Copenhagen:
European defence: core documents
|
2003
|
|
From Nice to Laeken:
European defence: core documents
|
2002
|
|
FROM ST-MALO TO NICE:
European defence: core documents
|
2001
|
|
Funding peace operations:
Better value for EU money
|
2013
|
|
THE FUTURE AFRICANS WANT:
When optimism is power
|
2021
|
|
THE FUTURE OF AFRICAN FOOD SECURITY:
Becoming the world’s breadbasket – or not
|
2022
|
|
THE FUTURE OF AFRICAN MIGRATION AND MOBILITY:
Continent on the move, or contained?
|
2022
|
|
THE FUTURE OF CONFLICT PREVENTION:
Preparing for a hotter, increasingly digital and fragmented 2030
|
2021
|
|
The future of the CWC in the post-destruction phase
|
2013
|
|
THE G-20::
A PATHWAY TO EFFECTIVE MULTILATERALISM?
|
2011
|
|
Gender in conflict
|
2014
|
|
Gender mainstreaming in ESDP missions
|
2007
|
|
Georgia::
a pre-election snapshot
|
2016
|
|
The Georgian succession
|
2013
|
|
Global commons::
Between cooperation and competition
|
2013
|
|
Global Governance:
Building on the civil society agenda
|
2011
|
|
Global Governance 2025::
At a Critical Juncture
|
2010
|
|
Global security in a multipolar world
|
2009
|
|
GLOBAL TRENDS TO 2030:
CHALLENGES AND CHOICES FOR EUROPE
|
2019
|
|
Global views on the European Union
|
2004
|
|
Good cop or bad cop?:
Sanctioning Belarus
|
2013
|
|
Great Lakes – weak democracies?
|
2016
|
|
GREEN DIGITAL DIPLOMACY:
Time for the EU to lead
|
2021
|
|
GUARDIAN OF THE GALAXY:
EU cyber sanctions and norms in cyberspace
|
2019
|
|
GUNS, ENGINES AND TURBINES::
THE EU’S HARD POWER IN ASIA
|
2018
|
|
HACKS, LEAKS AND DISRUPTIONS::
RUSSIAN CYBER STRATEGIES
|
2018
|
|
Handle with care::
Crowd-sourcing and non-proliferation
|
2014
|
|
HEALTHY BOUNDARIES:
Remedies for Europe’s cross-border disorder
|
2019
|
|
HOW BIG IS THE STORM?:
Assessing the impact of the Russian–Ukrainian war on the eastern neighbourhood
|
2022
|
|
HOW COVID-19 CHANGED THE FUTURE:
Geopolitical implications for Europe
|
2020
|
|
How EU sanctions work::
A new narrative
|
2013
|
|
HOW RUSSIA DOES FORESIGHT:
Where is the world going?
|
2021
|
|
HOW THE ISLAMIC STATE SEES THE FUTURE:
Why the end of times does not mean the end
|
2021
|
|
HOW THE US DOES FORESIGHT:
The United States’ difficulty in accepting multipolarity
|
2021
|
|
HR/VP to VP/HR?:
The next generation
|
2014
|
|
HUNGARY AND ITS NEIGHBOURS
|
1993
|
|
Hybrid::
what’s in a name?
|
2015
|
|
Hybrid operations::
Lessons from the past
|
2015
|
|
ICEBERG AHEAD!:
Rethinking conflict prevention
|
2019
|
|
THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON CSDP:
Forging opportunity out of crisis?
|
2021
|
|
IMPLEMENTING THE PEACE AGREEMENT IN COLOMBIA:
Challenges for peacebuilding and reconciliation
|
2021
|
|
Implications for regional stability and security
|
2023
|
|
THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE YUGOSLAV CRISIS FOR WESTERN EUROPE’S FOREIGN RELATIONS
|
1994
|
|
In groups we trust:
Implementing Article 44 of the Lisbon Treaty
|
2014
|
|
IN RUSSIA'S HANDS:
Nagorno-Karabakh after the ceasefire agreement
|
2021
|
|
IN THE SHADOW OF WAR:
Moldova’s quest for stability and security
|
2023
|
|
India and the EU::
what opportunities for defence cooperation?
|
2015
|
|
INDIA’S G20 PRESIDENCY:
A showcase for skilful minilateralism
|
2023
|
|
The Indo-Pacific:
A passage to Europe?
|
2018
|
|
Information security:
A new challenge for the EU
|
2005
|
|
The internal-external nexus::
Cross-border criminal justice
|
2016
|
|
The internal-external nexus::
Re-bordering Europe
|
2016
|
|
International terrorism::
the changing threat and the EU’s response
|
2005
|
|
International terrorism and Europe
|
2002
|
|
The interpolar world::
a new scenario
|
2009
|
|
INTO THE BREACH!:
EU military CSDP missions and operations
|
2024
|
|
The IPCR arrangements::
a joined-up approach in crisis response?
|
2015
|
|
IRAN::
A REVOLUTIONARY REPUBLIC IN TRANSITION
|
2012
|
|
Iranian challenges
|
2006
|
|
Is there an Albanian question?
|
2008
|
|
Islamism and Islamists::
A very short introduction
|
2014
|
|
THE ISSUES RAISED BY BOSNIA, AND THE TRANSATLANTIC DEBATE
|
1998
|
|
Japan’s new approach to national security
|
2014
|
|
Jihadism in Mali and the Sahel::
Evolving dynamics and patterns
|
2017
|
|
Justice pénale internationale ::
(im)pressions africaines
|
2014
|
|
La cohérence par la défense:
Une autre lecture de la PESD
|
2004
|
|
La révolution tunisienne deux ans après – est-elle réversible ?
|
2013
|
|
THE LAST LINE OF DEFENCE:
Measuring resilience to foreign information manipulation and interference in West Africa
|
2023
|
|
A LASTING PEACE IN CENTRAL EUROPE?
|
1995
|
|
Less is more?:
The US at the UN
|
2017
|
|
LESSONS OF YUGOSLAVIA
|
1994
|
|
Libya::
the struggle for security
|
2013
|
|
LIBYA’S CONFLICT:
A very short introduction
|
2019
|
|
A LIKE-MINDED PARTNER?:
India’s evolving domestic politics and implications for the EU
|
2022
|
|
L’Instrument de Stabilité:
Au service de l’approche globale de l’UE
|
2013
|
|
Listening to unfamiliar voices – The Arab democratic wave
|
2012
|
|
Look East, Act East::
transatlantic agendas in the Asia Pacific
|
2012
|
|
L’UE ET L'AFRIQUE::
LES DÉFIS DE LA COHÉRENCE
|
2010
|
|
L’Union et les armes légères et de petit calibre (ALPC)
|
2008
|
|
Maghreb ::
vaincre la peur de la démocratie
|
2009
|
|
Mali, Centrafrique ::
les contours d’une réponse multiforme
|
2013
|
|
Managing migration abroad:
Why, where, what and how?
|
2016
|
|
Mare Europaeum?:
Tackling Mediterranean migration
|
2014
|
|
Meet Iraq’s Sunni Arabs:
A strategic profile
|
2017
|
|
MELTING ICE, FROZEN HEART:
Russia’s posture on climate change and decarbonisation
|
2021
|
|
Migration::
new ‘push’ and ‘pull’ dynamics
|
2015
|
|
Migration and terrorism::
the new frontiers for European solidarity
|
2015
|
|
Migration to Europe::
the numbers game
|
2016
|
|
Military coups::
a very short introduction
|
2016
|
|
MILITARY INTERVENTION AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
|
2001
|
|
MISSILE DEFENCE IN EUROPE –:
the political and security dimensions
|
2008
|
|
Moldova’s star::
shining or falling?
|
2015
|
|
Monitoring a region in crisis::
the European Union in West Africa
|
2007
|
|
The Moscow riots, Russian nationalism and the Eurasian Union
|
2013
|
|
MPCC::
towards an EU military command?
|
2017
|
|
Multilateralism, the EU, and UNSCR 1540::
reinforcing national responsibilities
|
2012
|
|
NATIONALISM, INTERNATIONALISM AND THE EUROPEAN DEFENCE MARKET
|
1993
|
|
NAVAL GAZING?:
The Strategic Compass and the EU’s maritime presence
|
2021
|
|
Negotiating the final status of Kosovo
|
2008
|
|
A new farewell to arms:
Viewing disarmament in a new security environment
|
2010
|
|
The New Global Puzzle:
What World for the EU in 2025?
|
2006
|
|
New kids on the CFSP block::
The JHA agencies
|
2016
|
|
NEW WINE IN OLD BOTTLES?:
A new EU regional strategy for the Great Lakes
|
2023
|
|
NEXT LEVEL PARTNERSHIP:
Bolstering EU-NATO cooperation to counter hybrid threats in the Western Balkans
|
2023
|
|
NOBODY MOVE!:
MYTHS OF THE EU MIGRATION CRISIS
|
2017
|
|
Nuclear multilateralisation - and Europe’s role
|
2013
|
|
NUCLEAR WEAPONS::
A NEW GREAT DEBATE
|
2001
|
|
NUCLEAR WEAPONS AFTER THE 2010 NPT REVIEW CONFERENCE
|
2010
|
|
The Obama Moment:
European and American perspectives
|
2009
|
|
On target?:
EU sanctions as security policy tools
|
2015
|
|
One size to fit all?:
Setting standards for European defence
|
2014
|
|
One year on::
lessons from Iraq
|
2004
|
|
Operation Sophia:
Tackling the refugee crisis with military means
|
2015
|
|
Operation Sophia’s world:
Changes and challenges
|
2017
|
|
Organised crime and fragile states:
African variations
|
2017
|
|
The OSCE in crisis
|
2006
|
|
Out of (and inside) Africa::
migration routes and their impacts
|
2017
|
|
Pakistan::
the end of exceptionalism?
|
2012
|
|
Paper beats rock::
GCC geo-economics
|
2018
|
|
PARAMETERS OF EUROPEAN SECURITY
|
1993
|
|
Partnering in crisis management::
Ten years of UN-EU cooperation
|
2013
|
|
Partners and neighbours::
a CFSP for a wider Europe
|
2003
|
|
Partnerships for effective multilateralism:
EU relations with Brazil, China, India and Russia
|
2008
|
|
Peacebuilding in 3D::
EU and US approaches
|
2013
|
|
PEACEKEEPING IN THE SOVIET SUCCESSOR STATES
|
1994
|
|
PEOPLE ON THE MOVE::
THE NEW GLOBAL (DIS)ORDER
|
2016
|
|
PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION::
WHAT’S IN A NAME?
|
2017
|
|
Perspektiven für die europäische Verteidigung 2020
|
2011
|
|
Pioneering foreign policy:
The EU Special Representatives
|
2007
|
|
PIVOTING TO AFRICAN CONFLICT PREVENTION?:
An analysis of continental and regional early warning systems
|
2021
|
|
THE POISON PILL:
EU defence on US terms?
|
2019
|
|
Post-2011 scenarios in Sudan::
What role for the EU?
|
2009
|
|
THE POWER AND LIMITS OF DATA FOR PEACE:
Improving the EU conflict early warning system for more effective prevention
|
2024
|
|
PREVENTING ARMED CONFLICT IN EUROPE::
LESSONS FROM RECENT EXPERIENCE
|
1994
|
|
Preventing terrorism in the south
|
2017
|
|
PREVENTING THE RE-EMERGENCE OF CHEMICAL WEAPONS:
The evolution of chemical weapon use since 1990
|
2019
|
|
Prevention better than cure::
the EU’s quiet diplomacy in Asia
|
2017
|
|
Pride and prejudice:
Maritime disputes in Northeast Asia
|
2015
|
|
Promoting security sector governance in the EU’s neighbourhood
|
2005
|
|
PROTECTING EUROPE::
The EU’s response to hybrid threats
|
2019
|
|
Protecting the European homeland:
The CBR dimension
|
2004
|
|
Putin’s fourth term:
The twilight begins?
|
2018
|
|
Putting numbers on capabilities::
Defence inflation vs. cost escalation
|
2015
|
|
Quelle défense européenne en 2020 ?
|
2010
|
|
Quenching India’s thirst for energy
|
2014
|
|
The question of Serbia
|
2005
|
|
The real and hidden costs of Russia’s foreign policy
|
2018
|
|
REAPING AFRICA’S DEMOGRAPHIC DIVIDEND:
Two scenarios for Africa’s youth
|
2021
|
|
REBUILDING TRUST:
Towards a new momentum in EU-Iraq relations?
|
2023
|
|
Recalibrating EU-Central Asia relations
|
2015
|
|
Recasting EU civilian crisis management
|
2017
|
|
Reforming Arab security sectors
|
2013
|
|
The refugee-development nexus
|
2017
|
|
Regional cooperation in the Western Balkans
|
2007
|
|
RELATIONSHIP THERAPY:
Making Arab police reform work
|
2020
|
|
Re-mapping the Sahel::
transnational security challenges and international responses
|
2014
|
|
Renewables::
do they matter for foreign policy?
|
2013
|
|
République centrafricaine ::
Défis humanitaires, politiques et sécuritaires
|
2013
|
|
RESETTING ETHIOPIA:
Will the state heal or fail?
|
2019
|
|
Resilience in the Western Balkans
|
2017
|
|
Rethinking Iran::
From confrontation to cooperation
|
2008
|
|
Returns diplomacy::
levers and tools
|
2017
|
|
Revisiting the EU’s security partnerships
|
2018
|
|
REVITALISING THE NPT:
Preparing the EU for the tenth RevCon
|
2020
|
|
Riding the digital wave:
The impact of cyber capacity building on human development
|
2014
|
|
RISING HYBRID THREATS IN AFRICA:
Challenges and implications for the EU
|
2022
|
|
Russia:
Insights from a changing country
|
2012
|
|
Russia faces Europe
|
2003
|
|
RUSSIA IN THE WESTERN BALKANS:
Tactical wins, strategic setbacks
|
2019
|
|
Russian futures::
Horizon 2025
|
2016
|
|
RUSSIAN FUTURES 2030:
The shape of things to come
|
2020
|
|
RUSSIA’S FORAYS INTO SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA:
Do you want to be my friend, again?
|
2020
|
|
RUSSIA’S RETURN TO THE MIDDLE EAST:
BUILDING SANDCASTLES?
|
2018
|
|
Russia’s world:
Facing a century of instability
|
2016
|
|
SAHEL CLIMATE CONFLICTS?:
When (fighting) climate change fuels terrorism
|
2020
|
|
SAHEL RESET:
Time to reshape the EU's engagement
|
2024
|
|
SAILING THROUGH THE STORM:
Türkiye’s Black Sea strategy amidst the Russian-Ukrainian war
|
2023
|
|
SALAFI-JIHADISM IN AFRICA:
A winning strategy
|
2021
|
|
Sanctions against Iran::
the role of pivotal rising powers
|
2015
|
|
Sanctions against North Korea::
A tricky dilemma
|
2015
|
|
Sanctions against Russia:
Evasion, compensation and overcompliance
|
2015
|
|
Sanctions and Russia:
Lessons from the Cold War
|
2015
|
|
SANCTIONS, CONFLICT AND DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING:
A user’s manual
|
2022
|
|
Saudi Arabia and the Islamic alliance
|
2016
|
|
Scanning the future:
American and European perspectives
|
2008
|
|
Scrambling for the Indian Ocean
|
2016
|
|
Securing the Energy Union::
five pillars and five regions
|
2017
|
|
SECURING THE HEAVENS:
How can space support the EU’s Strategic Compass?
|
2021
|
|
Sécurité et développement de l’Afrique ::
une nouvelle approche pour l’UE
|
2007
|
|
Security developments in East Asia::
what implications for the EU?
|
2011
|
|
SECURITY IN NORTHERN AFRICA::
AMBIGUITY AND REALITY
|
1996
|
|
SECURITY RISKS EMANATING FROM AFGHANISTAN:
Assessing the Islamist terror threat post-August 2021
|
2023
|
|
Seeing blue::
American visions of the European Union
|
2007
|
|
Setting a Standard For Stakeholdership:
Industry Contribution To a Strengthened Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention
|
2011
|
|
The shale gas ‘revolution’::
Challenges and implications for the EU
|
2013
|
|
Shaping the future of energy
|
2016
|
|
Shift or rift:
Assessing US-EU relations after Iraq
|
2003
|
|
SLOW-ACTING TOOLS:
Evaluating EU sanctions against Russia after the invasion of Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
Smart logistics for future armed forces
|
2017
|
|
Sochi::
games with frontiers
|
2014
|
|
Somalia’s federal agenda::
From fragility to fragmentation?
|
2014
|
|
South Asian integration::
prospects and pitfalls
|
2016
|
|
The South Caucasus::
a challenge for the EU
|
2003
|
|
South Sudan::
the cost of conflict
|
2016
|
|
THE SOUTHERN BALKANS::
PERSPECTIVES FROM THE REGION
|
2001
|
|
SOVEREIGNTY OVER SUPPLY?:
The EU’s ability to manage critical dependences while engaging with the world
|
2020
|
|
Space security for Europe
|
2016
|
|
THE SPECIAL FRANCO-GERMAN SECURITY RELATIONSHIP IN THE 1990s
|
1993
|
|
STAND BY ME!:
The Sino-Russian Normative Partnership in Action
|
2020
|
|
Strategic autonomy::
towards ‘European sovereignty’ in defence?
|
2018
|
|
Strategic communications:
East and South
|
2016
|
|
STRATEGIC COMPASS:
New bearings for EU security and defence?
|
2021
|
|
Strategic foresight - and the EU
|
2013
|
|
STRATEGIC FORESIGHT IN CHINA:
The other missing dimension
|
2021
|
|
STRATEGIC INVESTMENT:
Making geopolitical sense of the EU’s defence industrial policy
|
2019
|
|
A strategy for EU foreign policy
|
2010
|
|
Strategy matters:
EU KEY DOCUMENTS
|
2014
|
|
Strategy matters 2015-2016:
EU KEY DOCUMENTS
|
2016
|
|
Strength in numbers?:
Comparing EU military capabilities in 2009 with 1999
|
2009
|
|
STRESS TESTS:
An insight into crisis scenarios, simulations and exercises
|
2019
|
|
THE SUMMIT OF ARAB STATES:
Merely a forum for collective legitimisation?
|
2022
|
|
TALIBAN IN OR OUT?:
Afghanistan in 2025
|
2022
|
|
Ten years after::
lessons from the EUPM in Bosnia and Herzegovina 2002-2012
|
2013
|
|
Ten years of EU military operations
|
2013
|
|
Terms of engagement:
The paradox of American power and the transatlantic dilemma post-11 September
|
2002
|
|
Terrorism, proliferation::
a European threat assessment
|
2003
|
|
THIRD POWERS IN EUROPE’S EAST
|
2018
|
|
The three effects of dual-use::
Firms, capabilities, and governance
|
2014
|
|
THREE SCENARIOS FOR SUDAN:
From non-violent revolution to democratic reform?
|
2019
|
|
Tourism, terrorism and migration
|
2016
|
|
Towards a European Defence Market
|
2008
|
|
TOWARDS A EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE POLICY
|
1998
|
|
TOWARDS A EUROPEAN WEAPONS PROCUREMENT PROCESS
|
1997
|
|
Towards a ‘military Schengen’?
|
2017
|
|
Towards an EU global strategy – Background, process, references
|
2015
|
|
Towards an EU global strategy – Consulting the experts
|
2016
|
|
Towards San Salvador::
where Europe meets Latin America
|
2017
|
|
TOWARDS URBAN DECOUPLING?:
China’s smart city ambitions at the time of Covid-19
|
2020
|
|
Trading with Moscow::
The law, the politics and the economics
|
2014
|
|
Transformational diplomacy
|
2007
|
|
Turkey’s foreign policy in turbulent times
|
2006
|
|
TURNING THE TIDE:
How to rescue transatlantic relations
|
2020
|
|
Ukraine::
four crises, one country
|
2014
|
|
Ukraine::
Quo Vadis?
|
2008
|
|
UKRAINE, RUSSIA AND EUROPEAN SECURITY::
IMPLICATIONS FOR WESTERN POLICY
|
1994
|
|
Ukraine’s other war
|
2015
|
|
UNBOXING THE FUTURE:
Finding the futures hidden in plain sight
|
2020
|
|
UNCHARTED TERRITORY?:
Towards a common threat analysis and a Strategic Compass for EU security and defence
|
2020
|
|
UNDER PRESSURE:
Can Belarus resist Russian coercion?
|
2020
|
|
Understanding African armies
|
2016
|
|
Union for the Mediterranean:
Building on the Barcelona acquis
|
2008
|
|
Union pour la Méditerranée Le potentiel de l’acquis de Barcelone
|
2008
|
|
The United States::
the empire of force or the force of empire?
|
2002
|
|
THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPEAN DEFENCE
|
2000
|
|
UNLOCKING AFGHANISTAN’S CONNECTIVITY POTENTIAL:
Opportunities for the EU?
|
2022
|
|
UNSC Resolution 1325 fifteen years on
|
2015
|
|
Upgrading the Union’s response to disasters
|
2013
|
|
The usual surprise?:
Iran’s presidential elections
|
2013
|
|
Violence politique et paix dans le monde arabe
|
2010
|
|
The visa-free 3D effect::
Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine
|
2017
|
|
Visions of North-East Asia:
China, Japan, Korea and the EU
|
2014
|
|
WAR AND PEACE::
EUROPEAN CONFLICT PREVENTION
|
1993
|
|
War crimes, conditionality and EU integration in the Western Balkans
|
2009
|
|
War of words::
Saudi Arabia v Iran
|
2016
|
|
Water and insecurity in the Levant
|
2016
|
|
Water as a stress factor in sub-Saharan Africa
|
2013
|
|
Western Balkans::
more resilience for the energy sector
|
2017
|
|
The Western Balkans::
back in the EU spotlight
|
2016
|
|
The Western Balkans::
moving on
|
2004
|
|
THE WESTERN BALKANS AND THE EU::
‘THE HOUR OF EUROPE’
|
2011
|
|
WEU::
A REGIONAL PARTNER OF THE UNITED NATIONS
|
1993
|
|
WEU’S ROLE IN CRISIS MANAGEMENT AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
|
1995
|
|
What ambitions for European defence in 2020?
|
2009
|
|
What do Europeans want from NATO?
|
2010
|
|
What economies of shale for US foreign policy?
|
2013
|
|
What energy security for the EU
|
2013
|
|
What EU citizens think about European defence
|
2013
|
|
WHAT IF…?:
Scanning the horizon: 12 scenarios for 2021
|
2019
|
|
WHAT IF …?:
14 futures for 2024
|
2020
|
|
WHAT IF AFRICA STOPS RECEIVING FOREIGN AID?:
The risk of reversing development gains in a Covid-19 world
|
2022
|
|
What if ... Conceivable crises::
unpredictable in 2017, unmanageable in 2020?
|
2017
|
|
WHAT IF … NOT?:
The cost of assumptions
|
2022
|
|
WHAT IF ... NOT?:
The cost of inaction
|
2021
|
|
What model for CFSP?
|
2002
|
|
What Russia sees
|
2005
|
|
WHAT STATUS FOR KOSOVO?
|
2001
|
|
Whatever happened to Yemen’s army?
|
2015
|
|
WHO’S FIRST WINS?:
International crisis response to Covid-19
|
2020
|
|
Why Georgia matters
|
2006
|
|
A WICKED PROBLEM:
How to cooperate with collusive states?
|
2021
|
|
The Wider North:
Opportunities and challenges
|
2013
|
|
A Wild Wild Web?:
Law, norms, crime and politics in cyberspace
|
2017
|
|
Winter is coming:
Chilly winds across northern Europe
|
2016
|
|
Women in Daesh::
Jihadist ‘cheerleaders’, active operatives?
|
2016
|
|
World trade and Trump
|
2017
|
|
YEARBOOK OF EUROPEAN SECURITY
|
2019
|
|
YEARBOOK OF EUROPEAN SECURITY:
2021
|
2021
|
|
YEARBOOK OF EUROPEAN SECURITY:
2020
|
2020
|