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Rewolucja

Rewolucja: Russian Poland, 1904-1907 OPEN ACCESS

Robert E. Blobaum
Copyright Date: 1995
Published by: Cornell University Press
Pages: 320
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctt1g69x46
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  • Book Info
    Rewolucja
    Book Description:

    The revolution of 1905 in the Russian-ruled Kingdom of Poland marked the consolidation of major new influences on the political scene. As he examines the emergence of a mass political culture in Poland, Robert E. Blobaum offers the first history in any Western language of this watershed period. Drawing on extensive archival research to explore the history of Poland's revolutionary upheavals, Blobaum departs from traditional interpretations of these events as peripheral to an essentially Russian movement that reached a climax in the Russian Revolution of 1917. He demonstrates that, although Polish independence was not formally recognized until after World War I, the social and political conditions necessary for nationhood were established in the years around 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-5017-0535-9
    Subjects: History
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  1. The origins of the Revolution of 1905 in Russian Poland can be traced back to developments in the final phase of an earlier but far different upheaval, the January Insurrection of 1863-1864. As tsarist Russia suppressed this last of a series of challenges by the Polish nobility, orszlachta,to its hegemony in central Poland, it set in motion forces that were to reshape Polish society and redefine Polish politics for decades to come. The January Insurrection was therefore an authentic historical watershed, the culminating point of the turbulent romantic era of Polish history and the point of departure for...

  2. On Sunday morning, November 13, 1904, more than a thousand people crowded into the parish church of All Saints on Grzybowski Square in what was then the solidly working-class Zachodna district of Warsaw, a couple of blocks north of aleje Jerozolimskie (Jerusalem Boulevard). Some were there to attend the regularly scheduled Mass, others to participate in a political demonstration organized by the Polish Socialist Party against the Russo-Japanese War and the mobilization of reservists for the Far Eastern front. Days earlier, the Warsaw Workers’ Committee of the PPS had issued separate appeals to Polish and Jewish workers as well as...

  3. Beginning with Bloody Sunday, the infamous massacre of working-class demonstrators in St. Petersburg on January 22, industrial labor played an undeniably significant role in the Revolution of 1905 in European Russia. The outrage after Bloody Sunday, expressed in massive strikes and demonstrations throughout the empire, indeed became the spark that ignited Russia’s subsequent bourgeois-democratic revolution. In October, Russian workers intervened directly in that revolution by means of a statewide general strike to force a recalcitrant autocracy to accede to the demands of a temporarily united political opposition for democratic freedoms and a constitutional restructuring of the old political order. Between...

  4. In contrast to the revolt among urban industrial workers in 1905, with its point of departure clearly marked by the January-February general strike, it is far more difficult to pinpoint the outbreak of revolution in the Polish countryside. On the one hand, although a wave of agrarian strikes swept large areas of rural Poland in the spring of 1905, farm workers were seeking higher wages and improved conditions from landowners-hardly revolutionary demands. The strike movement among farm laborers, moreover, was generally peaceful, and once authorities intervened or employers made concessions (or both), the agrarian strikes quickly ended. “Gmina action,” on...

  5. Already on the eve of the Russo-Japanese War, students in the Kingdom’s institutions of higher and secondary education formed the most politicized social group in the country. Although divided by ideological differences, party sympathies, and ethnicity, students had been prepared by established traditions of self-organization and political protest for the role of an avant-garde in the antiwar and antimobilization movements of 1904. Incidents inside the schools multiplied, and by the end of the year rumors of a nationwide student strike were rife.

    Preparations for some sort of broad student action were still in the planning stage, however, when industrial workers...

  6. Polish politics during the Revolution of 1905 has traditionally been presented as a conflict of competing ideologies, parties, and personalitiesthat is, as political history. The struggle between nationalism and socialism (between realism and idealism, for a more contemporary cast of mind),¹ between the National Democratic Party and the Polish Socialist Party, between Roman Dmowski and Jozef Pilsudski-such is the material for the conventional “textbook” rendition of Polish politics during the revolution. A slightly more sophisticated political history would mention loyalism, populism, and “international socialism” as other competing though less attractive ideologies; the Party of Polish Realists, the Polish People’s Union,...

  7. For the Roman Catholic Church—the only traditional “Polish” institution to survive successive nineteenth-century insurrections and subsequent waves of Russian repression—adjusting to the demands of the modern era and the new postrevolution political culture proved especially troublesome. With its independence compromised, its finances controlled, its practices closely scrutinized, and its official ties with Rome forcibly severed by the Russian autocracy after the January Insurrection of 1863, the Polish Church had, by the turn of the century, already found it increasingly difficult to satisfy the spiritual needs of its rapidly growing and changing flock. Although Russian state policies did much...

  8. During the first ten months of 1905, the government responded to the various manifestations of upheaval in the Kingdom of Poland with both concessions and measures of repression. The carrot-and-stick approach, however, was the result not of a carefully considered policy but of inconsistent attitudes within the government about how best to deal with the crisis in the Polish provinces. Generally, the central government in St. Petersburg inclined toward compromise in the linguistic, cultural, and religious spheres, a tendency that, if realized in full, could have satisfied the national aspirations of most politically conscious Poles. The provincial bureaucracy in the...

Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
This book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International.
Funding is provided by National Endowment for the Humanities