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Scope Reconstruction and A-Movement

Cedric Boeckx
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory
Vol. 19, No. 3 (Aug., 2001), pp. 503-548
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4048022
Page Count: 46
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Scope Reconstruction and A-Movement
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Abstract

This paper re-examines recent arguments against A-movement reconstruction in general, and the idea that there is a reconstruction residue. It argues that A-moving quantifiers do not usually exhibit reconstruction effects because arguments are interpreted in the position where their uninterpretable Case feature is erased. It shows how the Case-checking condition on scope taking can be obviated in the case of indefinites by means of covert insertion of an expletive, and goes on to provide arguments that lowered readings of indefinites involve literal lowering. This movement is subject to Relativized Minimality, thereby further supporting the claim that Quantifier Movement is a syntactic operation. The paper considers the possibility that such an account can be reconciled with the idea that copies left by A-movement necessarily delete, and argues that this is possible only if the derivational character of syntax is strengthened.

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