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Les sociétés non socialistes du Sud et de l'Est asiatique après la guerre du Vietnam / NON-SOCIALIST COMMUNITIES IN SOUTH AND EAST ASIA AFTER THE VIETNAM WAR

François Houtart
Civilisations
Vol. 25, No. 3/4 (1975), pp. 219-231
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41229288
Page Count: 13
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Since scans are not currently available to screen readers, please contact JSTOR User Support for access. We'll provide a PDF copy for your screen reader.
Les sociétés non socialistes du Sud et de l'Est asiatique après la guerre du Vietnam / NON-SOCIALIST COMMUNITIES IN SOUTH AND EAST ASIA AFTER THE VIETNAM WAR
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Abstract

With the end of the Thieu regime in South Vietnam, the year 1975 appears most significant in contemporary Asia, where practically all parliamentary forms of government haven broken out, from Pakistan to Corea. The aim of the present article is to examine the evolution of communities in non-socialist countries of South and East Asia. After these countries had gained independence, liberal societies were set up as a direct result of colonization. Emerging from capitalist economy, liberalism was thus transmitted to Asian societies by means of political and cultural ideals. While the new sector was rising to supremacy through Westernized methods of economic exploitation and social class of Westernized Asians, traditional means of pre-capitalist production went on subsisting with their own social relations. Access to political leadership by new westernized elites took various forms, as can be observed in India, in Indonesia, in Bangladesh and Pakistan. In Ceylon, the westernized elite came to political leadership with Bandaranaike, creating a kind of cultural nationalism. The social and political situation in non-socialist countries of South and East Asia was progressively transformed by the introduction of American and later Japanese capitalisms, chiefly in the 60s, when new oil reserves were discovered and exploited. In the post-independence evolution of the non-socialist countries in South and East Asia, the ideological basis can be analyzed in its two main aspects : nationalist, and directed towards development. Nationalist ideology was centered on the political building of the nation, the whole population being involved in the general process. The objective having been reached, ideology takes a new turn and is directed on economic development : production, national product, exportation. Unfortunately, many aspects of local reality appear as strong obstacles on the way of development : unemployment, financial deficiencies, heavy obligations for the rural class, etc. On the whole, development ideology favours those who have reached a rather high level in economic, political and social matters. During the first period after independence, economic development was directed towards industrialization; either using national finances or foreign investments. India offers on this subject a particular case. In countries owning a nationalized sector, most of the industrial development remains under control of private companies. The rural sector, though employing the major part of the working population, was generally neglected and the "green revolution", often a technical feat, was led for the benefit of wealthy landowners. Agrarian reform appears in most cases of doubtful results, notably in India (in Kerala). In fact, agricultural production for the whole of Asia is well under the needs of the population, which depends on foreign import, as it is the case in India, in Bangladesh, in Corea. The rural population really suffers from the consequences of the developing process engaged by the modernized elites owning political power.

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