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Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in the Caribbean, 1900-1921

Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in the Caribbean, 1900-1921

Copyright Date: 1964
Pages: 566
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    Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in the Caribbean, 1900-1921
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    eISBN: 978-1-4008-7785-0
    Subjects: History, Political Science
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Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter (pp. i-vi)
  2. Preface (pp. vii-x)
    D. G. M.
  3. Table of Contents (pp. xi-2)
  4. 1 The Background (pp. 3-23)

    The Caribbean was a theater of conflict between rival imperialisms long before the United States became independent. By the end of the sixteenth century, foreign smugglers and pirates, frequently supported by their own governments, were challenging Spain’s claim to exclusive possession of America. Early in the seventeenth century interlopers were settling in the smaller islands and on parts of the mainland which the Spanish government had not effectively occupied. Tobacco, sugar, and illegal trade with the Spanish colonies soon made many of these settlements rich. They were coveted prizes in the frequent European wars between 1701 and 1815, and some...

  5. 2 Cuba and Panama, 1901–1905 (pp. 24-64)

    In the first months after Theodore Roosevelt became President on September 14, 1901, two matters in Latin America demanded his attention. One was the situation in Cuba, where the United States, after two years of military occupation, was about to relinquish control of the island to the people. The other was to decide on the location of the projected isthmian canal and to make arrangements for its construction. Both of these matters must be discussed in any history of American policy in the Caribbean but since both have been rather fully dealt with by other historians, only a brief summary...

  6. 3 The Genesis of the Roosevelt Corollary (pp. 65-111)

    The basic idea that inspired the Caribbean policy of the United States in the first two decades of the twentieth century was Theodore Roosevelt’s corollary to the Monroe Doctrine: that the United States, if it wished to prevent European intervention, must help the Caribbean republics to do away with the chronic disorder and financial mismanagement that invited intervention. This idea was not wholly new, for several statesmen and writers in Europe and in the United States had suggested that the United States could not maintain the Monroe Doctrine without assuming some responsibility for the conduct of the states protected by...

  7. 4 Elihu Root’s Policy (pp. 112-159)

    During the greater part of his first term, Roosevelt himself directed American policy in the Caribbean. He made the important decisions in connection with the Venezuelan blockade, the Panama affair, and the Dominican customs receivership, and directed the negotiations and actions which implemented these decisions. His correspondence with his friends indicates that he felt that these problems were as important as any with which he had to deal. In handling them, he seems to have asked for little advice from the Department of State. This was especially true during Secretary Hay’s long illness, when the President felt that nothing was...

  8. 5 Dollar Diplomacy and Intervention in Nicaragua, 1909–1913 (pp. 160-216)

    President William Howard Taft should have been well equipped to deal with Caribbean problems. His long residence in the Philippines, his intimate acquaintance with the people and the problems of Panama, and his mission to Cuba in 1906 gave him unusual experience. In general, he seems to have been successful in dealing with people of Spanish descent. He was cautious and conciliatory by temperament, and certainly had little predilection for an aggressive or imperialistic policy. After the Spanish American War he had opposed the retention of the Philippines, and as late as 1903 he had expressed doubts about the validity...

  9. 6 Dollar Diplomacy Elsewhere in the Caribbean (pp. 217-268)

    Before the revolution of 1909–1910 presented the opportunity to set up a customs receivership in Nicaragua, Knox and Huntington Wilson were endeavoring to establish one in Honduras. The chief purpose of the Central American policy proposals that they discussed with Mexico in March and April of 1909 was to safeguard the neutrality and promote the stability of Honduras, and financial reform was an essential part of their plan. The fact that the British government was at the time pressing President Davila to resume payment on the republic’s long-neglected foreign debt made the financial problem especially urgent.

    Honduras had contracted...

  10. 7 The Military Occupation of the Dominican Republic (pp. 269-325)

    It seemed reasonable to expect a radical change of policy in the Caribbean when Woodrow Wilson became President of the United States in 1913.¹ Foreign affairs had hardly been mentioned during the electoral campaign,² but for several years past the Democrats in the Senate had criticized the Republican administration’s actions in the Caribbean and had opposed the treaties with the Dominican Republic, Honduras, and Nicaragua. William J. Bryan, the new Secretary of State, had publicly condemned dollar diplomacy.³ Wilson had given no indication of his own views about Latin America, but his forcefully expressed liberalism seemed to promise that “imperialistic”...

  11. 8 Intervention in Haiti (pp. 326-387)

    In the Dominican Republic, and as we shall see in Nicaragua, the policy of the Wilson administration was shaped to a great extent by commitments made by its predecessors. A dominant consideration was to prevent the undoing of whatever good had been accomplished by earlier efforts to rehabilitate the finances and help establish stable government in those countries. This was less true in Haiti. The Taft administration’s action in connection with the 1910 bank and loan contracts did not really impose new responsibilities on the United States. The intervention of 1915 in Haiti was the result of policies inaugurated by...

  12. 9 Wilsonian Dollar Diplomacy in Nicaragua (pp. 388-425)

    One of the most urgent problems that confronted the new officers in the State Department in 1913 was the situation in Nicaragua. The expectation of a change of policy at Washington and the Nicaraguan government’s political and financial weakness had encouraged both thezelayistasand thechamorristasto think about a new revolution. There was a report from San Salvador that President Araujo was planning to foment uprisings both in Nicaragua and in Honduras in the hope of uniting the three countries under his own leadership for an attack on Estrada Cabrera in Guatemala.¹ When President Wilson issued his statement...

  13. 10 Non-Recognition of Revolutionary Governments (pp. 426-468)

    Non-recognition, or the threat of non-recognition, was one of the chief means by which the United States attempted to discourage revolutionary changes of government in the Caribbean after 1909. Before that time, the traditional policy had been to recognize a new government as soon as the new authorities seemed to have established an effective and generally accepted control and to be able and willing to discharge their international obligations. The Taft administration departed from this policy to bring about the overthrow of the Madriz regime in Nicaragua, and it twice delayed recognition of governments in Haiti until its obtained assurances...

  14. 11 Relations with Cuba, 1909–1921 (pp. 469-529)

    In dealing with Cuba, after the reestablishment of the Cuban government in 1909, the chief objective of American policy was to prevent the rise of conditions that would again confront the United States with the distasteful and politically unpopular task of intervention. There was no other country in the Caribbean where the maintenance of a stable and effective government was of so much interest to the United States. Aside from the island’s unique strategic situation and the special responsibility that the American government had assumed under the Platt Amendment, Cuba was by far the most important of the Caribbean states...

  15. 12 Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in Retrospect (pp. 530-546)

    To many observers the policy which culminated in the military occupation of Haiti and the Dominican Republic and interference to a lesser degree in the internal affairs of other nearby countries seemed little different from the imperialism of European powers in Africa and the Far East. The American intervention in the Caribbean aroused a hostility throughout Latin America that still affects our relations with the other countries of the hemisphere. What happened might have been forgotten after the repudiation of the intervention policy by Presidents Hoover and Franklin Roosevelt, had it not been for the belief that the policy was...

  16. Index (pp. 547-553)