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The Architecture of Security in the Asia-Pacific

The Architecture of Security in the Asia-Pacific OPEN ACCESS

EDITED BY RON HUISKEN
Volume: 174
Copyright Date: 2009
Published by: ANU Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt24h898
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  • Book Info
    The Architecture of Security in the Asia-Pacific
    Book Description:

    We cannot expect in East Asia over the foreseeable future to see the sort of conflation of sovereign states that has occurred in Europe. We must anticipate that, for the foreseeable future, the requirement will be for the sensible management and containment of competitive instincts. The establishment of a multilateral security body in East Asia that includes all the key players, and which the major powers invest with the authority to tackle the shaping of the regional security order, remains a critical piece of unfinished business.

    eISBN: 978-1-921666-03-2
    Subjects: Political Science
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Table of Contents

Export Selected Citations
  1. Ron Huisken

    The papers in this monograph were prepared for a workshop organised by the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre (SDSC) in partnership with the China Foundation for International and Strategic Studies (CFISS), and held in Beijing in March 2007. The workshop and, indeed, the establishment of the partnership with the CFISS was made possible by an ARC Linkage Grant (with the Department of Defence as the ʹIndustry Partnerʹ) awarded to the SDSC in 2005. The ARC grant has made it possible for the SDSC to network more systematically with other centres of learning in the Asia-Pacific focused on the strategic ramifications...

  2. Brendan Taylor

    Prior to the 1990s, a tangible East Asian security architecture remained elusive. This was not for want of trying. Several ill-fated efforts were undertaken to establish regional groupings which, over time, provided the basis for a more substantial East Asian security architecture. These included the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO)—an eight member grouping established in 1955 that began to lose members and was finally dissolved in 1977, and both Maphilindo and the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA).¹ Likewise, in Northeast Asia, the Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC)—a South Korean initiative established in 1966 and comprising nine member countries...

  3. Zhai Kun

    It is taken for granted that the major countries have dominant status in the international community, while the minor ones have little influence. It is certainly assumed that they have more power than the minor countries. But this assumption often blinds us to the fact that small countries also seek to acquire and exploit power. In what kind of situations can such countries give the impression of playing on the same stage as the major powers? One answer is that they can acquire disproportionate power when they create a new kind of power resource and demonstrate that they can use...

  4. Pan Guang

    The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is now showing a more active posture in safeguarding security and promoting economic-cultural development in the region, being cognisant of the situation in areas around Central Asia like East Asia, the Middle East and South Asia, and demonstrating that the SCO, barely eight years old, has embarked on a new course of pragmatic development.

    Since 1996, the process of the ʹShanghai Five—SCOʹ has registered some remarkable achievements in security cooperation. Its major accomplishments include three outcomes.

    First, confidence-building measures have been put in place, leading finally to the resolution of the border problems left...

  5. Zhu Feng

    The decision by Kim Jong-ilʹs regime to test-launch missiles in July 2006 and to test a nuclear device on 9 October 2006, dramatically impacted Chinaʹs foreign policy toward North Korea.¹ These incidents served to undermine the Six-Party Talks hosted by China, and threatened to further exacerbate the forces destabilising regional security in Northeast Asia. Pyongyangʹs defiance of Chinaʹs stern warnings regarding these tests finally signalled to Beijing that the ʹNorth Korea crisisʹ was deteriorating catastrophically.

    Following both the missile and nuclear tests, China voted in favour of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions 1695, 1705 and 1718, clearly indicating that...

  6. Robert Ayson

    The Six-Party Talks achieved an important milestone in February 2007—an agreement which required North Korea to freeze its Yongbyon reactor in exchange for some initial energy assistance and discussions on more normalised relations with the United States. North Korea was also required to come clean on all of its nuclear facilities and research by providing a complete and unabridged list.¹ But this important step was to come later rather than right at the outset. This bargain represents an important shift in the US position. Washington had earlier insisted that North Korea really had to relinquish its entire nuclear program...

  7. Ron Huisken

    Although the US role in East Asia over the period 1900–45 was by no means inconsequential, this investigation will take up the story from 1945. Washington approached the questions of post-war arrangements in Europe and East Asia with one big lesson from the First World War in mind: that staying engaged and shaping the course of events directly was smarter than walking away and trusting the local powers to preclude history repeating itself. In Europe, even though the United States had a decisive voice after the defeat of Nazi Germany, the winnersʹ side of the table was pretty crowded...

  8. Lu Dehong

    The East Asian region is in a grand transitional period. Its economic importance to world prosperity and its potential contribution to global peace are increasing. Nevertheless, the region, especially Northeast Asia, is not only the most militarised region in the world, but is also a region to date lacking any single regional organisation through which conflicts can be handled.¹ Economic cooperation and military hedging between major powers enhances simultaneously. The deviation of economy and security is not in the interest of lasting peace and prosperity and the fundamental interests of all concerned countries.

    Whether it is in accord with the...

  9. Yuan Peng

    There is no denying the fact that the current China-US relationship is enjoying the best of times: reciprocal interests are deeply interwoven, a variety of mechanisms have been set up in succession and a fine trend of constructive cooperation is in progress. However, a cool-headed analysis reveals that, at present, the stability in the China-US relationship is tactical rather than strategic. The potential strategic risks should never be discounted considering the great differences between the social systems and ideologies of the two nations, potential clashes between the rising power and the status quo hegemon, growing collisions between geopolitics and geo-economics,...

  10. Zhang Tuosheng

    China-Japan relations have been turbulent for over a decade and endured a sustained deterioration in the political and security fields, especially from 2001 to 2006. The bilateral relationship finally made a major turn towards a new stage of development, marked by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abeʹs ice-breaking visit to China and Premier Wen Jiabaoʹs ice-melting journey to Japan. Changes and developments in China-Japan relations will exert a profound and far-reaching influence over East Asian security.

    China-Japan relations have actually witnessed remarkable growth since their normalisation in 1972. However, due to deep changes in the international situation and within both countries,...