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Rising China

Rising China: Power and Reassurance OPEN ACCESS

EDITED BY RON HUISKEN
Copyright Date: 2009
Published by: ANU Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt24hbzb
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  • Book Info
    Rising China
    Book Description:

    Asia looks and feels very different now compared to the days of the Cold War. The sense that Asia now works differently can be traced to a single source - the re-emergence of China. China was the dominant power in greater Asia for most of recorded history. This historical norm was interrupted from the early 19th century, too far into the past to be recognisable and readily accommodated by the actors in today's international arena. A powerful China feels new and unfamiliar. Arriving peacefully at mutually acceptable relationships of power and influence that are very different from those that have prevailed for the past half century will be a demanding process. The world's track record on challenges of this kind is not terrific. It will call for statesmanship of a consistently high order from all the major players, and building the strongest possible confidence among these players that there are no hidden agendas.

    eISBN: 978-1-921536-59-5
    Subjects: History, Political Science
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Table of Contents

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  1. Introduction (pp. 1-6)
    Ron Huisken

    Asia looks and feels very different now compared with the Cold War period. Back then, American pre-eminence was a given even though the US presence in the region was far from ubiquitous or overwhelming. Washington shaped events in Asia with comparatively loose reins. America’s unremitting focus was the contest with the Soviet Union and the pre-eminent prize in that contest was always Europe. Certainly from the late 1970s, after the United States withdrew from Vietnam, the primary front in the Cold War moved decisively back to Europe.

    In Asia, the United States had a huge geopolitical asset in Japan, the...

  2. China’s key bilateral relationships:: partners or just peers?
    • America
      • Ron Huisken

        At some point in the past 60 years, US–China relations have occupied nearly every imaginable niche on the spectrum: allies against Japan, bitter adversaries in Korea and de facto allies against the Soviet Union (after a period in which China could not decide which of the superpowers it feared the most so it elected to view them as conspiring to harm China). Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship has been more stable but only relative to the gyrations during the Cold War. It has still been an inherently turbulent relationship.

        It is instructive to note that...

      • Jia Qingguo

        Since US President Richard Nixon’s historic visit to China in 1972, China–US relations have gone through some fundamental changes. For a long time, the relationship was characterised by limited contact, restricted areas of cooperation and asymmetrical interactions, with the United States taking initiatives and China reacting to them. More recently, however, this mode of relationship has been changing, with far-reaching implications for both countries and the rest of the world. It is important for policymakers as well as academics to appreciate the direction and nature of such changes. This chapter is intended to represent and analyse such changes and...

    • Japan
      • Zhang Tuosheng

        China–Japan relations now stand at a new juncture after more than a decade of turbulence and nearly two years of recovery since the end of the Cold War. Whether China and Japan—two major powers in East Asia—will be able to establish a comprehensive strategic relationship of mutual benefit and realise long-term friendship and cooperation in the new conditions will affect not only the destinies of the two countries but the future of the region and the world at large.

        China and Japan resumed diplomatic relations in 1972. Remarkable progress was made in the next two decades. Despite...

      • Koji Watanabe

        Having followed Chinese affairs on and off for the past 40 years, I have personally been struck by the truly dramatic achievements of the Chinese people during the 30 years since the ‘reform and opening-up’ policy was adopted. In particular, I have been impressed with changes during the past seven years since the International Olympic Committee decided in 2001 that Beijing would host the 2008 Summer Olympics. This was, incidentally, the same year that China acceded to the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The Olympics were a manifestation of everything that the Chinese people had worked for.

        Watching the truly spectacular...

    • India and Russia
      • Sandy Gordon

        India and China are the two rising giants of Asia. How they relate once they become powerful will have a significant impact on Asian security. At present, their relationship is ambivalent, with growing people-to-people contacts and rapidly expanding trade, but also abiding strategic suspicion, especially on the part of India.

        This chapter seeks to assess the future of the relationship. To do so, it needs to answer three questions. First, will China and India rise equally enough so that they will balance each other’s rise? Second, if they do not rise equally and China continues to pull ahead economically and...

      • Zhao Gancheng

        ‘Chindia’ is a newly created term that is being debated in China and India. When Indian politician Jairam Ramesh coined the term a few years ago, the Congress Party was still in opposition.¹ Anyone engaged in China studies for any length of time would perceive the potential for India and China if the two nations could address their existing problems. The term therefore points to a future in which the two Asian giants can produce a new force in the international system. That force would presumably impact on the balance of the system, simply because of the size, population and...

      • Yu Bin

        August 2008 was quite eventful for Russia and China, as well as for their bilateral relations. Against all the odds (pro-Tibet protests and the devastating Sichuan earthquake in the second quarter), the twenty-ninth summer Olympic Games in Beijing opened and concluded with extravagant ceremonies and a record 51 gold medals for the host country. Shortly before the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics on 8 August, Georgia’s attacks against South Ossetia and Abkhazia—two separatist regions of Georgia—led to a massive military response from Russia, a five-day war and Russia’s recognition of the independence of the two disputed regions....

  3. Alliances, military balances and strategic policy
    • Xia Liping

      Since the end of the Cold War, China’s thinking about national security has changed greatly. During the Cold War, China viewed its national security mainly in terms of its struggles against the hegemony of one of the two superpowers or even against that of both superpowers and their followers. At present, China has been attaching most importance to the trend of globalisation, which has had positive and negative impacts on the country’s national security. On the positive side, China’s involvement in economic globalisation has increased its national strength and the range of interests it shares with other countries. On the...

    • Fan Gaoyue

      This chapter is organised into three parts, covering: the main bases and principles of China’s national defence policy, the main challenges China’s national defence is facing and the responses of China’s national defence policy.

      Since 1998, China has issued national defence white papers biannually to expound its national defence policy to the world. With the changing international security situation and environment, China’s national defence policy in different historical periods has been adjusted accordingly, but the basics remain unchanged. These basics are: China’s national laws (the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China and the National Defense Law), international relations principles,...

    • Richard A. Bitzinger and J. D. Kenneth Boutin

      China’s defence-industrial sector is being transformed by reforms introduced in the interest of enhancing its competitiveness and capacity to meet the ambitious conventional arms requirements of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). China’s defence-industrial base is becoming more decentralised, with increasing scope for local state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and privately owned enterprises to contribute to research and development (R&D;) and production. This chapter assesses the long-term implications of this structural transformation. The progressive ‘marketisation’ of R&D; and production is strengthening China’s capacity for sustained defence-industrial development and helping to narrow its capability gap with major industrialised states, but ingrained attitudes and procedures...

  4. Multilateral processes:: countering or reflecting regional cleavages?
    • Mingjiang Li

      China started to truly participate in various multilateral regimes after it was admitted into the United Nations (UN) and became a permanent member of the UN Security Council in the early 1970s. Its involvement in international economic institutions intensified as its reform and opening-up program was initiated in the early 1980s and deepened in the 1990s. China’s participation in Asian regional multilateralism, however, lagged behind its presence in regimes at the global level. It was really in the late 1990s that China started to take an active stance towards multilateralism in Asia, partly because of the belated development of multilateralism...

    • See Seng Tan

      From any vantage point, the shift in relations between China and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the past four decades has been nothing less than remarkable. Branded by Beijing at its inception in 1967 as an anti-China and anti-communist regional grouping, ASEAN, in 2007, was openly acknowledging ‘the important role that China has been playing in regional and global affairs’ and the ‘significant’ contributions that close China–ASEAN relations had brought ‘to peace, stability and prosperity in the region and the world at large’ (ASEAN 2007).

      At the risk of oversimplification, contemporary theoretical assessments of the evolution...

    • Robert Ayson and Brendan Taylor

      ‘Architecture’ has emerged as the latest catchphrase in Asian security politics. Scholars and practitioners alike have overwhelmingly—and largely uncritically—embraced the architectural metaphor. In so doing, however, they often end up talking past one another, seriously devaluing the debate about Asia’s emerging security order in the process, and at a time when the rise of China and the region’s consequent geopolitical transition is placing a premium on clear strategic analysis. To illustrate the shortcomings of applying the architectural metaphor to Asian security politics, we begin this chapter by examining the sources and limits of one of the latest and...