From Power Sharing to Democracy

From Power Sharing to Democracy: Post-Conflict Institutions in Ethnically Divided Societies

EDITED BY SID NOEL
Copyright Date: 2005
Pages: 312
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt801dg
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    From Power Sharing to Democracy
    Book Description:

    From Power Sharing to Democracy examines the theoretical underpinnings of power sharing as a means of achieving sustainable democratic governance. Contributors examine key areas, including Afghanistan, Cyprus, Kosovo, Macedonia, and South Africa, where power-sharing constitutions and political institutions have been employed or proposed. They provide an in-depth exploration of consociationalism, under which the previously warring ethnic communities are guaranteed a proportionate share of political offices and protection of their vital interests, and federalism, which provides for substantial territorial autonomy in cases where the communities are territorially segregated.

    eISBN: 978-0-7735-7310-9
    Subjects: Sociology
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Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents (pp. vii-viii)
  3. Introduction (pp. ix-2)
    SID NOEL

    Finding a basis for sustainable peace in countries that have been torn by violent ethnic conflict¹ is an enterprise fraught with difficulty and haunted by past failures. Again and again, hopefully brokered ceasefires collapse before meaningful negotiations between the warring parties can take place, or negotiations lead nowhere, or the outcome is an armed stalemate while the combatants replenish their supplies of money, arms, and recruits to their militias. Even a painstakingly crafted peace accord that is made under United Nations auspices and with the aid of a battery of facilitators, mediators, and expert advisers means little by itself if...

  4. 1 Debating Consociational Politics: Normative and Explanatory Arguments (pp. 3-43)
    BRENDAN O’LEARY

    Consociational thinking has a long pedigree. Its lineages may be traced to the sixteenth-century Protestant philosopher Johannes Althusius (1557–1638), the early-twentieth-century Austro-Marxists Karl Renner and Otto Bauer, and, more recently, the Nobel laureate Sir Arthur Lewis. It is, however, inescapably associated in our times with Arend Lijphart, its contemporary creator and sculptor, the doyen of comparative politics, and a distinguished past president of the American Political Science Association.² Over the past thirty years, Consociational theory has become one of the most influential theories of comparative politics, resulting in a vast and broadly applied literature.

    Consociational thinking, moreover, has not...

  5. 2 Between Stability and Collapse: Internal and External Dynamics of Post-agreement Institution Building in Northern Ireland (pp. 44-66)
    STEFAN WOLFF

    On 14 October 2002 the British government suspended devolved government in Northern Ireland for the third time. Unlike the previous two suspensions, on 11 August 2001 and 21 September 2001 – which were only “technical” twenty-four-hour suspensions to allow the political parties in Northern Ireland to resolve a deadlock over the decommissioning of weapons in possession of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Sinn Feiné’s membership in the executive – this suspension, similar to the very first one on 11 February 2000, had no time limit attached to it.

    Despite assurances of continued commitment to the peace process as a whole from...

  6. 3 Significant Events in the Northern Ireland Peace Process: Impact and Implementation (pp. 67-84)
    LANDON E. HANCOCK

    Despite continuing political difficulties over the implementation of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, the peace process that led to the Agreement remains very much alive. It is particularly notable that not even the British government’s suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly in October 2002 and the postponement of new elections led to an abrogation of the ceasefire and the resumption of hostilities. This suggests that the peace process in Northern Ireland has acquired a degree of resilience that is conspicuously lacking in other peace processes where post-agreement difficulties have led to the resumption of violence – as in the aftermath of...

  7. 4 Power Sharing after Yugoslavia: Functionality and Dysfunctionality of Power-sharing Institutions in Post-war Bosnia, Macedonia, and Kosovo (pp. 85-103)
    FLORIAN BIEBER

    Three of the conflicts following the disintegration of Yugoslavia brought about internationally mediated institutional (re-)arrangements in Kosovo, Bosnia, and Macedonia that include elements of power sharing. International actors have thus promoted power sharing as a key structuring principle for post-conflict institution building in diverse societies. The institutional frameworks emerging from the different peace settlements have been varying in their effectiveness both in governing the respective countries and territories and in promoting accommodation between the different national groups.

    This chapter will examine different institutional systems based on power-sharing arrangements in the five cases: Bosnia, its two entities (the Bosniac-Croat Federation and...

  8. 5 Post-conflict Reconstruction: Constitutional and Transitional Power-sharing Arrangements in Bosnia and Kosovo (pp. 104-119)
    PATRICK J. O’HALLORAN

    This chapter examines the constitutional and transitional powersharing arrangements in Bosnia-Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnia) and Kosovo. It is a comparative analysis of post-conflict governance and issues of implementation of the 1995 Dayton Accord in Bosnia and of United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution (1999) in Kosovo.

    Post-conflict reconstruction comprises all activities associated with the social and political re-engineering of a state, including, but not limited to, the following: developing political institutions, civil society, and responsible and accountable leadership; the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of soldiers; security sector reform; demining; the professionalization of military and police forces; the reconstruction of social infrastructure,...

  9. 6 Power Sharing in a Police Car: The Intractable Difficulty of Police Reform in Kosovo and Macedonia (pp. 120-139)
    GORDON PEAKE

    For a lasting peace to be achieved in a divided society, the existing police force must be radically reformed and its personnel retrained to orient them to a new style of policing. In peace processes throughout the globe, a core component has been the program to reconcile former foes by including their members in transformed police institutions in order to help head off the turbulent challenges that often accompany a peace process.¹ It is power sharing in microcosm. Participation is encouraged from members of historically under-represented ethnic groups so that the new police will better reflect the population as a...

  10. 7 Power Sharing and Rights Protection in the Prevention and Management of Ethnic Conflict: The Case of Post-apartheid South Africa (pp. 140-163)
    KRISTIN HENRARD

    Power sharing is often drawn upon as a means of preventing and managing ethnic conflict in an ethnically divided plural state, such as South Africa, and tends to be understood in terms of political arrangements for government structures that guarantee a voice for the distinctive population groups involved, thus creating and maintaining a political balance among the groups concerned and giving them a stake in the country.¹ Rights protection can arguably be seen as a different but supplementary means of preventing and managing ethnic conflict.

    This chapter uses the case of post-apartheid South Africa to evaluate to what extent rights...

  11. 8 Power Sharing in South Africa: The African National Congress as a Consociational Party? (pp. 164-183)
    MATTHIJS BOGAARDS

    Although there is much debate about the extent to which South Africa after apartheid was a consociational democracy, there is little doubt that the interim constitution contained power-sharing arrangements. However, the permanent constitution and the departure of the National Party (NP) from the Government of National Unity (GNU) in 1996 have weakened political accommodation in this plural society. With the African National Congress (ANC) emerging as the dominant party, some observers now put their hope in the ANC becoming more inclusive and participatory. This development can be conceptualized as the transformation of a standard form of consociationalism between (segmental) parties...

  12. 9 Anarchy and the Problems of Power Sharing in Africa (pp. 184-197)
    IAN S. SPEARS

    Power sharing has been repeatedly advocated as a method of postconflict governance in Africa. In virtually all cases, however, the results have been the same: inclusive power-sharing agreements have been resisted by local leaders or, if accepted, have rarely been fully implemented or adhered to over the long term. Given this unimpressive record, it is remarkable that power sharing nevertheless continues to be the centrepiece of so many African peace initiatives. To expect power sharing to work in Africa is to expect it to work under the most difficult conditions, and this, in fact, is part of the problem. For...

  13. 10 Afghanistan: Multicultural Federalism as a Means to Achieve Democracy, Representation, and Stability (pp. 198-214)
    REETA CHOWDHARI TREMBLAY

    Following the United States-led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001 and the overthrow of the Taliban regime, an interim Afghan government was put in place pending negotiations on the country’s political future. Those negotiations, which involved delegates representing a wide array of Afghan parties and interests, took place in Bonn, Germany, under United Nations (UN) auspices and concluded with the signing, on 5 December 2001, of the Bonn Agreement – which sets out a comprehensive blueprint for democracy, peace, and stability in Afghanistan.¹

    In June 2002, in conformity with one of the terms of the agreement, a specially convened and ethnically...

  14. 11 Power Sharing for Cyprus (Again)? European Union Accession and the Prospects for Reunification (pp. 215-238)
    TOZUN BAHCHELI and SID NOEL

    The idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots can be peacefully reunited under some system of consociational power sharing is an idea that refuses to die. Their one brief attempt to live under a consociational constitution (1960–63) ended amid violent ethnic conflict, prompting in turn a Greek-inspired coup d’état, Turkish military intervention, forced population transfers, and thede factopartition of Cyprus into hostile ethnic zones.¹ Nevertheless, every attempt to formulate a basis for resolving the conflict has come to essentially the same conclusion: namely, that the only possible system of government for a united Cyprus is one based on...

  15. 12 Conditionally, Consociationalism, and the European Union (pp. 239-262)
    STEVEN I. WILKINSON

    This chapter assesses the strengths and weaknesses of conditionality as a strategy to mitigate ethnic conflict. Over the past two decades, international organizations have proved increasingly willing to make membership or aid conditional on a country’s willingness to subscribe to democratic norms, including norms of minority rights. Most strikingly, the European Union (EU) has over the past decade made the admission of countries in Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean conditional on reforms that make their systems more accommodating of minority rights.² Other regional trade and cooperation organizations explicitly treat the EU as a model, and so it does not seem...

  16. 13 Federation as a Method of Ethnic Conflict Regulation (pp. 263-296)
    JOHN McGARRY and BRENDAN O’LEARY

    Federations are distinct political systems.¹ In a genuinely democratic federation there is a compound sovereign state in which at least two governmental units, the federal and the regional, enjoy constitutionally separate competencies – although they may also have concurrent powers. Both the federal and the regional governments are empowered to deal directly with their citizens, and the relevant citizens directly elect at least some components of the federal and regional governments. In a federation, the federal government usually cannot unilaterally alter the horizontal division of powers: constitutional change affecting competencies requires the consent of both levels of government. Therefore, federation automatically...

  17. Contributors (pp. 297-298)
  18. Index (pp. 299-305)

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