|
The 2014 Arab Opinion Index::
In Brief
|
2014
|
|
The 24th Knesset Elections::
Will Israel Form a Stable Government This Time?
|
2021
|
|
The “Abraham” Agreement::
normalization of relations or announcement of an existing Emirati-Israeli alliance?
|
2020
|
|
Algeria 2019::
From the Hirak Movement to Elections
|
2020
|
|
Algeria’s Decision to Cut Diplomatic Relations with Morocco:
Background and Repercussions
|
2021
|
|
Algeria’s Legislative Elections::
Reproducing Regime, or a Step towards a New Algeria?
|
2021
|
|
The al-Nusra Front::
From Formation to Dissension
|
2014
|
|
Al-Ula GCC Summit Ends the Blockade of Qatar
|
2021
|
|
Arab Palestinian Voting Patterns in Israel’s Latest Elections
|
2021
|
|
The “Arab Spring” in the Kingdoms
|
2012
|
|
The Army and Political Power in the Arab Context::
Theoretical Problems
|
2017
|
|
An Assassination Attempt Revives an Old Discussion
|
2022
|
|
An Assessment of Iran’s New Parliament::
Conservatism Wins Back
|
2020
|
|
Back to the Future in Iran::
Political and Policy Implications of the 2021 Presidential Elections
|
2021
|
|
The Biden Administration and Egypt::
A New Course or Business as Usual?
|
2021
|
|
The Biden Administration and US Foreign Policy Decision-Making
|
2020
|
|
The Biden Administration’s Foreign Policy::
Key Features and Likely Changes
|
2020
|
|
The Biden Administration’s Response to the Israeli Assault on the Gaza Strip
|
2021
|
|
Biden and Correcting the Course of Relations with Palestine
|
2021
|
|
Biden Has a New Opportunity in Syria
|
2020
|
|
Biden, Iran::
Do Democrats mean Detente with Iran?
|
2020
|
|
Biden-Bennett Summit::
Resetting the US-Israel Relationship?
|
2021
|
|
Biden’s Challenges in Stabilizing Libya
|
2021
|
|
Biden’s Decision to End US Support for Saudi “Offensive Operations” in Yemen
|
2021
|
|
Black lives Matter::
On Racism and Political Correctness
|
2020
|
|
The Blockade on Qatar::
Prospects for Continuation or Resolution
|
2020
|
|
Bouznika Proclamation::
Challenges and Chances of Success
|
2020
|
|
The Bush II Years In the Middle East (2000-2008)::
Morals and Interests
|
2012
|
|
Can We Speak of a “Coptic Question” in Egypt?
|
2011
|
|
Change in Turkish Foreign Policy::
Reassessments and New Trends
|
2016
|
|
Civil Society in Morocco under the New 2011 Constitution::
Issues, Stakes and Challenges
|
2014
|
|
Context and Projected Outcome of the Presidential Coup in Tunisia
|
2021
|
|
The Copts of Egypt::
State Discrimination and Exclusion
|
2011
|
|
The Covid-19 Pandemic in Iran::
Health and Policy Implications
|
2020
|
|
Critical Discussion of Study
|
2012
|
|
Cyber Attacks::
The Electronic Battlefield
|
2013
|
|
Debating the Freedom of Expression, Tolerance, and Secularism in Demagogical Times
|
2020
|
|
The Declaration of Self-Rule in South Yemen::
Background and Implications
|
2020
|
|
The Determinants of the Turkish Position towards the Syrian crisis::
The immediate dimensions and future repercussions
|
2011
|
|
Developing Language:
and the Language of Development in the Arab World
|
2012
|
|
Diplomacy Facing the Revolution of “Transparent Society” and “Risk Society”:
WikiLeaks: international and regional ramifications
|
2011
|
|
Discrepancies in Public and Private Sector Pay in Jordan, Qatar and the UAE:
A Comparative Study of their Impact on the Labor Market in Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar
|
2012
|
|
Economic cooperation between Sudan and Qatar
|
2012
|
|
Economic Inequality and Economic Development::
Lessons and Implications of Global Experiences for the Arab World
|
2013
|
|
Egypt::
Strategic Implications of Extended Political Repression
|
2020
|
|
Erbil-Ankara Relations::
Paradoxes, Challenges and Harmonization
|
2015
|
|
Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam::
A Geohazard Assessment
|
2021
|
|
Ethiopia’s Tigray Crisis::
Domestic and Regional Implications
|
2020
|
|
The European Union’s position toward the Palestinian cause::
1993-2009
|
2011
|
|
Explaining Military Responses to Revolutions
|
2013
|
|
Explaining Military Responses to Revolutions
|
2013
|
|
External Initiatives for Regional Security in the Gulf
|
2021
|
|
Factors Behind the Steep Decline in Crude Oil Prices
|
2015
|
|
The Failures that Define Us — Addressing Climate Disaster in the MENA Region
|
2021
|
|
Faith-based NGOs in Multi-Confessional Society::
Evidence from Lebanon
|
2012
|
|
Fertility in Iraq::
Trends, Evolution and Influential Factors
|
2012
|
|
The First Month of the Trump White House::
a Foreign Policy Disaster
|
2017
|
|
Flashpoint Ukraine::
The Pivot of Geography in Command of the West’s Eastern Gateway
|
2014
|
|
Forming Benkirane’s Second Government::
Mission Impossible?
|
2017
|
|
From Bullets to Ballots::
Transformations from Armed to Unarmed Political Activism
|
2020
|
|
Future Directions of US-Saudi Relations under Biden
|
2021
|
|
Future of the Daraa Settlement after the Collapse of the Russia-sponsored Agreement
|
2021
|
|
The Future of U.S. Military Presence in Iraq
|
2020
|
|
Future Urban Water Management in Iran::
Learning From the Past
|
2021
|
|
The GCC versus Iran::
Low Intensity War, High Intensity Conflict
|
2021
|
|
Hamas::
Between Efforts to Politicize the Court and Demands of Justice
|
2015
|
|
How Did the 8 September Election Transform the Political Map in Morocco?
|
2021
|
|
The Impact of the Oil Crisis on Security and Foreign Policy in GCC Countries::
Case Studies of Qatar, KSA and UAE
|
2017
|
|
The Impasse of Political Transition in Algeria::
Three Generations and Two Scenarios
|
2012
|
|
Imperialism and the writing of the self in postcolonial criticism::
preliminary notes on the Moroccan self and imperial heritage
|
2017
|
|
The Implications of Covid-19 in the Gulf::
Challenges and Constraints
|
2020
|
|
Implications of Khalifa Haftar’s “Popular Mandate” to Rule Libya
|
2020
|
|
Implications of the Popular Uprising within the Green Line
|
2021
|
|
Insiders and Outsiders in the New Libya
|
2014
|
|
Internal Reform in Turkey
|
2011
|
|
The International Crisis and the International System:
A study on the interplay between the management of international strategic crises and the structure of the international system
|
2012
|
|
Introducing Re-Generated Security Forces in Yemen::
The Crisis of the Hybrid Model in Fractured Arab States
|
2024
|
|
Iran and Afghanistan::
A Relationship of Shared Interests and Complexity
|
2021
|
|
Iran and the World Wait for Biden
|
2020
|
|
The Iran-Syria Entente Cordiale
|
2021
|
|
ISIS, and the Façade of Negative Cooperation
|
2014
|
|
Israel and the Fencing Policy::
A Barrier on Every Seam Line
|
2015
|
|
Israel and the Palestinian Bid at the United Nations
|
2011
|
|
Israeli Interference in Sudan
|
2011
|
|
Israeli Observer Status at the African Union::
What Do They Gain?
|
2021
|
|
Jemli Fails to Secure a Vote of Confidence::
What Next for Tunisia?
|
2020
|
|
Jordanian Public Perceptions of the Syrian Crisis
|
2012
|
|
Kurdistan’s Struggle for Sovereignty::
State, Societal, and Human Security
|
2017
|
|
The Language Debate and the Constitution Amendment in Morocco
|
2012
|
|
Libya after the Fall of Al-Watiya
|
2020
|
|
Libya dialogue::
Failures and implications
|
2021
|
|
Libya’s New Cabinet::
Formation and Challenges
|
2021
|
|
Lila Abu-Lughod’s Contribution to the Feminist Debate in the Arab World
|
2014
|
|
Mahdism in contemporary Iran::
Ahmadinejad and the occult Imam
|
2011
|
|
Mechichi in Power::
Can the New Government Deal with the Challenges Ahead?
|
2020
|
|
Mexico and Brazil’s Approach Towards the GCC Countries::
An Assessment of Economic Diplomacy
|
2018
|
|
Mistrust Radiating from Society to Prison in Iran
|
2023
|
|
Modeling Inflation Dynamics in Sudan 2008-2013
|
2014
|
|
The Monetary Union of the Gulf Cooperation Council and Structural Changes in the Global Economy::
Aspirations, Challenges, and Long-term Strategic Benefits
|
2012
|
|
Moral Matters in Hard Times
|
2023
|
|
Morocco and the African Union::
A New Chapter for Western Sahara Resolution?
|
2017
|
|
Moscow Summit::
Will the Ceasefire Hold in Idlib?
|
2020
|
|
Motives behind Israel’s Decision to Launch a War on Gaza
|
2021
|
|
National Security during the Covid-19 Pandemic
|
2020
|
|
Negotiations between Somaliland and the Federal Government::
Prospects of Success or Failure
|
2020
|
|
The Netanyahu―Trump Meeting::
Settlement First
|
2017
|
|
New Challenges Ahead for the Fakhfakh Government
|
2020
|
|
A New Interim Government Elected in Libya::
Background and Prospects
|
2021
|
|
The New Israeli Government::
Background and Prospects
|
2021
|
|
The New Yemeni Government::
Formation, Prospects and Challenges
|
2021
|
|
The Occupation Project and the Democratic National State Project:
Iraq, From Security to Political Management
|
2011
|
|
“On Extremism”
|
2015
|
|
On Justice in the Current Arab Context
|
2013
|
|
On the Depraved Legal Debate over the Responsibility to Protect in Gaza
|
2023
|
|
On the Intellectual and Revolution
|
2013
|
|
On the Official Arab Position on Operation Aqsa Flood and the Subsequent Israeli Offensive on Gaza
|
2023
|
|
Operation Golden Arrow::
the Prospects for a Resolution to the Yemeni Conflict in 2017
|
2017
|
|
The Ottoman Tanzimat and the Constitution
|
2013
|
|
The Overeducation Crisis in Iran
|
2020
|
|
Palestinian Public Opinion::
Attitudes towards Peace Negotiations and National Reconciliation
|
2014
|
|
Palestinians in Lebanon::
A Racialized Minority or One of Many “Others”?
|
2014
|
|
The past decade in Syria::
the dialectic of stagnation and reform (Part 1 of 5)
|
2011
|
|
The Political Aspects of the Tribal Phenomenon in Arab Societies::
A Sociological Approach to the Tunisian and Libyan Revolutions
|
2012
|
|
The Political Context for the Biden Administration’s Recognition of the “Armenian Genocide”:
Implications for US-Turkish Relations
|
2021
|
|
The Political Regime in Iraq: Between Reform and Legitimacy:
An Analytic Perpesctive on the 2011 Protests
|
2012
|
|
The Political/Constitutional crisis in Tunisia::
Context and Prospects
|
2021
|
|
The positions of the Syrian opposition
|
2012
|
|
Poverty Uprising in Egypt::
Causes and Consequences
|
2020
|
|
Prescription for Power-Sharing in Contested Kirkuk
|
2015
|
|
Prince Hamzah’s Crisis and the Governing Impasse in Jordan
|
2021
|
|
The Process of National Security Decision-Making in Israel and the Influence of the Military Establishment
|
2011
|
|
Prospective Political Transition in Russia
|
2021
|
|
Punching Above Weights::
Combat Effectiveness of Armed Nonstate Actors in the Arab World and Beyond
|
2020
|
|
Religiosity among the youth::
a phenomenon independent of the ideological establishment
|
2011
|
|
Repercussions of the Arab Spring on GCC States
|
2012
|
|
Repercussions of the Taliban’s Return to Rule Afghanistan
|
2021
|
|
Re-reading the Myth of Fayyadism::
A Critical Analysis of the Palestinian Authority’s Reform and State-building Agenda, 2008-2011
|
2012
|
|
Restoring Balance to UAE-Iran Relations
|
2021
|
|
Revolution against Revolution, the Street against the People, and Counter-Revolution
|
2013
|
|
The Rise of the Right and the Adoption of the Clash of Civilizations::
When Democracy Spawns the Antithesis of Liberalism
|
2016
|
|
The Role of Religion in the Public Domain in Egypt After the January 25 Revolution
|
2012
|
|
The Role of the GCC Countries in Ending Piracy in the Horn of Africa
|
2016
|
|
The Roots of Realism and Idealism::
US Engagement with the Middle East, 1918-1939
|
2015
|
|
Russia and the Arab Spring::
Changing Narratives and Implications for Regional Policies
|
2015
|
|
Russia, Ukraine and NATO::
Reflections on the Determination to Not Avoid the Road to War
|
2022
|
|
Russian Intervention in Syria::
Geostrategy is Paramount
|
2015
|
|
Saudi Iranian Talks::
Background and Prospects
|
2021
|
|
Saudi—US Discord in a Changing Middle East
|
2015
|
|
Secret Negotiations between Israel and Lebanon’s Prime Minister Riad al-Sulh
|
2011
|
|
Shale Oil::
On the Cusp of an Energy Revolution?
|
2013
|
|
The Shale Technology Revolution and the Implications for the GCC
|
2015
|
|
Shifting Dynamics of Libyan - Egyptian Relationship::
Calculations and Motives
|
2021
|
|
The Significance of the Armenian Language in Iranian Armenian Diasporic Literature
|
2021
|
|
The Sisi Firewall:
Cyber-suppression Strategies and the Future of Cyberspace in Egypt
|
2020
|
|
The Strategic Crisis of the Palestinians’ National Movement and the UN Bid
|
2011
|
|
Sudanese Public Opinion after Secession
|
2011
|
|
Syria and Turkey::
a turning point or a historical bet?
|
2012
|
|
Tariqa Islam::
Layers of Authentication
|
2013
|
|
Ties That Don’t Bind:
The Politics of Saudi-Iranian Trade Relations
|
2023
|
|
Tracing Qatar’s Foreign Policy Trajectory and its Impact on Regional Security
|
2015
|
|
Transformation of the Arab Gulf Economies into Knowledge Economies::
Motivational Issues Related to the Tertiary Educational Sector
|
2015
|
|
Trends in Yemeni Public Opinion::
Attitudes toward the National Dialogue Conference Document and the Second Transitional Period
|
2014
|
|
The Tribe and Democracy::
The Case of Monarchist Iraq (1921-1958)
|
2011
|
|
The Trump White House Reacts to Chemical Weapons Use in Syria
|
2017
|
|
Truth, power and the rehabilitation of the facts
|
2011
|
|
Tunisia::
Revolution of the citizenry ... a revolution without a head
|
2011
|
|
Tunisia after 25 July::
Prospects for a Country in Crisis
|
2021
|
|
Tunisian Night Protests::
Background and Repercussions
|
2021
|
|
Tunisian Presidential Coup Threatens a National Crisis
|
2021
|
|
Turkey’s Growing Role in Libya::
Motives, Background and Responses
|
2020
|
|
Türkiye and the Debate on Neutrality in the Ukraine War
|
2022
|
|
UN Membership for a Palestinian State::
Legal and Political Ramifications
|
2011
|
|
Understanding Donald Trump’s Victory::
Some Methodological and Semiotic Considerations
|
2017
|
|
Understanding the 2021 Palestinian Uprising and Resistance Movement
|
2021
|
|
U.S. Foreign Policy Towards the Middle East::
Pumping Air into a Punctured Tire
|
2019
|
|
US Goals and Strategies toward the Arab World
|
2013
|
|
US Iran Tensions at Boiling Point::
How will Iran Respond to the Assassination of Qassem Soleimani?
|
2020
|
|
US Protests against Police Brutality::
Election Disaster for Trump?
|
2020
|
|
US-Iraq Strategic Dialogue::
Prospects for Change
|
2021
|
|
The US-Moroccan-Israeli Tripartite Declaration::
Incentives and Likely Outcomes
|
2021
|
|
The Welfare State in Egypt, 1995-2005::
A Comparative Approach
|
2014
|
|
What Can Tunisia Expect from a Biden Administration?
|
2021
|
|
What defines Terrorism?:
The Identity of the Victim or that of the Victimizer?
|
2017
|
|
What defines Terrorism?:
The Identity of the Victim or that of the Victimizer?
|
2017
|
|
What do the Syrian presidential elections mean for a political solution?
|
2021
|
|
What is Causing Radicalism in the MENA?
|
2017
|
|
What the ICC Jurisdiction Decision Means for Palestine
|
2021
|
|
Whither the Political Crisis in Lebanon after the Port Explosion?
|
2020
|
|
Why Has Iran’s Looking East Policy Failed?
|
2024
|
|
Will Biden Help to Restore Jordan’s Position in the Middle East?
|
2020
|
|
Will the Defeat of Haftar in the West of Libya Lead to Reviving the Political Process?
|
2020
|
|
Women’s Right to Inheritance in Jordanian Law::
Requirements and Prospects of Change
|
2017
|
|
Yemen May Be a Priority for Biden and the Democrats
|
2021
|