|
The 2021 NATO Summit:
For better or worse?
|
2021
|
|
The 2022 Israeli elections::
Change, but no change
|
2022
|
|
3C Approaches to Fragile and Conflict Situations – Taking stock of commitments and challenges
|
2009
|
|
Accelerating global nuclear disarmament:
A menu of 16 policy options
|
2016
|
|
Addressing Libya’s multiple crises::
When violent politics, extremism and crime meet
|
2015
|
|
Adrift on choppy seas::
Is regional turmoil likely to result in conflict in Lebanon?
|
2017
|
|
Adversity and Opportunity:
Facing the Security and Policy Challenges in the Middle East
|
2015
|
|
Afghanistan 2005 and Beyond:
Prospects for Improved Stability Reference Document
|
2005
|
|
Afghanistan post-2014::
Groping in the dark?
|
2013
|
|
After Putin, the deluge?:
Foresight on the possible futures of the Russian Federation
|
2023
|
|
After the Malian crisis: security and stabilization in the Sahel region:
Main findings of an expert seminar
|
2015
|
|
All eyes on Ankara:
A scenario exercise focused on the 2023 elections
|
2022
|
|
Ambitions and Results:
Lessons from the Juncker Commission
|
2019
|
|
Améliorer la gestion décentralisée des ressources naturelles au Sahel:
Le cas de la plaine du fleuve Sourou au Mali
|
2020
|
|
Angola in Search of Peace::
Spoilers, Saints and Strategic Regional Interests
|
2003
|
|
Annual Report 2001:
Conflict Research Unit
|
2002
|
|
Annual Report 2002:
Conflict Research Unit
|
2003
|
|
Annual Report 2003:
Conflict Research Unit
|
2004
|
|
Another solution with added value?:
The European Intervention Initiative as a new kid on the block of multinational defence cooperation
|
2019
|
|
Apping and resilience::
How smartphones help Syrian refugees in Lebanon negotiate the precarity of displacement
|
2018
|
|
The Arctic Elephant:
Why Europe must address the geopolitics of the high north
|
2019
|
|
Are the Dutch going green?:
Climate politics in the low lands heading towards crunch time
|
2019
|
|
Are the Dutch really going green?:
Climate politics in the Low Lands (part two)
|
2019
|
|
Article 5 revisited – Is NATO up to it?
|
2014
|
|
ASEAN, China’s Rise and Geopolitical Stability in Asia
|
2011
|
|
Assad Rex?:
Assessing the autonomy of Syrian armed groups fighting for the regime
|
2017
|
|
At the gate:
Civil and military protection of Europe’s borders
|
2017
|
|
Au-delà de la dichotomie::
accepter le pluralisme juridique au Mali et en réconcilier les composantes
|
2015
|
|
Band-aids, not bullets:
EU policies and interventions in the Syrian and Iraqi civil wars
|
2021
|
|
Bargains for Peace?:
Aid, Conditionalities and Reconstruction in Afghanistan
|
2006
|
|
Belangrijk, maar geen hoogste prioriteit – veiligheid en defensie in de verkiezingsprogramma’s
|
2023
|
|
The “Belarus factor”:
From balancing to bridging geopolitical dividing lines in Europe?
|
2017
|
|
Beneath the Apparent State of Affairs: Stability in Ghana and Benin:
The Potential for Radicalization and Political Violence in West Africa
|
2016
|
|
A Berlin Process for the energy security of the Western Balkans
|
2022
|
|
Beschermingsopdracht Oekraïense ontheemden in Nederland:
Humanitaire condities in Oekraïne kritiek
|
2022
|
|
Beschermingsopdracht Oekraïense ontheemden in Nederland:
Uitdagingen bij een langdurige oorlog
|
2023
|
|
Between brutality and fragmentation:
Options for addressing the Syrian civil war
|
2014
|
|
Between effective engagement and damaging politicisation:
Prospects for a credible EU enlargement policy to the Western Balkans
|
2019
|
|
Between hope and despair:
Pastoralist adaptation in Burkina Faso
|
2021
|
|
Between ideals and needs::
is Malian customary justice incompatible with international human rights standards?
|
2018
|
|
Between Indifference and Naïveté:
Dutch Policy Interventions in African Conflicts A Synthesis Report
|
2000
|
|
Beyond scares and tales: climate-proofing Dutch foreign policy:
Clingendael report for the Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency (PBL)
|
2015
|
|
Beyond the EU enlargement paradox:
Optimising opportunities and minimising risks
|
2024
|
|
Beyond the New Public Diplomacy
|
2011
|
|
Beyond Transitions::
UNDP’s role before, during and after UN mission withdrawal
|
2013
|
|
Beyond UN Security Council action:
Treating Idlib as protracted crisis
|
2020
|
|
Big brother is watching:
Evolving relations between Iran and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
|
2022
|
|
Bilateral Diplomacy in the European Union::
Towards ‘post-modern’ patterns?
|
2008
|
|
Blinking, Biding or bombing?:
European expectations of American policy in the Middle East
|
2021
|
|
Blockchain for fragile states::
the good, the bad and the ugly
|
2018
|
|
Bold Steps in Multinational Cooperation:
Taking European Defence Forward
|
2013
|
|
Breaking Pillars:
Towards a civil-military security approach for the European Union
|
2010
|
|
Brexit::
Strategic Consequences for Europe A Scenario Study
|
2016
|
|
The BRICS as an EU Security Challenge:
The Case for Conservatism
|
2015
|
|
Bridging the Channel:
British-French Defence Cooperation as the Core of European Military Capabilities
|
2012
|
|
Bridging the gap::
Sustainable connectivity in EU—India relations
|
2018
|
|
Bringing the Colours:
The effects of Syrian Armenian economic integration in Armenia
|
2018
|
|
Building Peace in War-Torn Societies::
From Concept to Strategy
|
2001
|
|
Building the ‘Belt and Road’ in Europe?:
Chinese construction companies and transport infrastructure in the European Union
|
2020
|
|
Burkina Faso: Casting a shadow over the polls?:
The role of vigilante groups in the 2020 elections
|
2020
|
|
Burkina Faso’s rocky road to democratic consolidation
|
2020
|
|
Capturing politics and power:
An updated approach to early warning and action
|
2016
|
|
‘A careful foot can step anywhere’:
The UAE and China in the Horn of Africa: Implications for EU engagement
|
2021
|
|
Cassandra calling?:
Development, governance and conflict trends in the Middle East
|
2022
|
|
Caught in the Middle::
UN Involvement in the Western Sahara Conflict
|
2007
|
|
‘The cavalry has arrived’:
EU external representation in The Hague and at the OPCW
|
2014
|
|
The CBAM Effect::
how the world is responding to the EU’s new climate stick
|
2022
|
|
Challenges and opportunities to peacebuilding::
analysis of strategic issues identified by country-specific PBF evaluations
|
2013
|
|
Chemical Weapons Challenges Ahead::
The Past and Future of the OPCW
|
2017
|
|
Chemical weapons in Syria::
do retaliatory bombardments deter their usage?
|
2018
|
|
China and geopolitical considerations for investment screening in the Netherlands
|
2020
|
|
China and Japan::
Partners or Permanent Rivals?
|
2006
|
|
China and Liberal Values in International Relations:
Opposing the Promotion of Democracy, Human Rights and Liberal Market Economy
|
2015
|
|
China and the EU in the Horn of Africa::
competition and cooperation?
|
2018
|
|
China and the EU in the Western Balkans:
A zero-sum game?
|
2020
|
|
China, Europe and the Maritime Silk Road
|
2015
|
|
China is divided on Russia – let’s keep it that way
|
2022
|
|
China’s invloed op onderwijs in Nederland::
een verkenning
|
2020
|
|
China’s Soft Power in Europe:
Falling on Hard Times
|
2021
|
|
China’s strategic relevance to the port of Rotterdam
|
2023
|
|
China’s strategische relevantie voor de Rotterdamse haven
|
2023
|
|
Chinese Direct Investment in the Netherlands::
Patterns, reception and political significance
|
2017
|
|
The CIA’s extraordinary rendition and secret detention programme:
European reactions and the challenges of future international intelligence co-operation
|
2009
|
|
Civil-Military Capacities for European Security
|
2013
|
|
A clash of nationalisms and the remaking of the Ethiopian State:
The political economy of Ethiopia’s transition
|
2022
|
|
Climate Security:
Making it #Doable
|
2019
|
|
Climate security in Dutch international climate policy – From ambition to implementation
|
2023
|
|
Climate-migration-security::
Making the most of a contested relationship
|
2017
|
|
Climate-migration-security::
Making the most of a contested relationship
|
2017
|
|
Climate-related security risks in Iraq and Mali::
What the EU can do
|
2018
|
|
Clingendael Futures | Scenarios Paper – The Future of Peace Operations
|
2013
|
|
Clingendael’s Vision for the Future of the Armed Forces of the Netherlands
|
2013
|
|
Cluttered with Predators, Godfathers and Facilitators::
The Labyrinth to Peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo
|
2003
|
|
Coercive Diplomacy by the EU::
The Case of Iran
|
2007
|
|
Coming in from the Cold:
Macron’s overtures towards Russia deserve support, not scorn
|
2020
|
|
Coming out and breaking out:
The US, Iran and Europe go nuclear
|
2020
|
|
A Commentary on the World Bank report ‘Breaking the Conflict Trap’
|
2004
|
|
Conditioning Peace among Protagonists A Study into the use of Peace Conditionalities in the Sri Lankan Peace Process
|
2006
|
|
Conference proceedings of the expert brainstorm on Kosovo
|
2007
|
|
Conflict environments and coverage
|
2018
|
|
Conflict in the Penta-Border Area:
Benin’s Northern Jihad from the perspective of its neighbours
|
2022
|
|
Conflict Policy in Some Western Countries::
Some Explorative Notes
|
1999
|
|
Conflict Prevention and Early Warning in the Political Practice of International Organizations
|
2004
|
|
Conflict Prevention in the OSCE:
An Assessment of Capacities
|
1999
|
|
CONFLICT PROGNOSIS:
Bridging the Gap from Early Warning to Early Response Part One
|
1999
|
|
Conflict Prognosis:
A Conflict and Policy Assessment Framework Part two
|
2000
|
|
Conflict Prognostication::
Toward a Tentative Framework For Conflict Assessment
|
1999
|
|
Consolidating Libya’s New Dawn::
The Importance of Supporting Early Security and Justice
|
2011
|
|
Consolidating Sudan’s transition:
A question of legitimacy
|
2020
|
|
Containing Conflict in the Economic Community of West African States::
Lessons from the Intervention in Liberia, 1990-1997
|
1999
|
|
Containment 2.0:
Living with the new East–West Discord
|
2015
|
|
Corona and the Sahel:
Lessons from Ebola
|
2020
|
|
Corona: EU’s existential crisis:
Why the lack of solidarity threatens not only the Union’s health and economy, but also its security
|
2020
|
|
Costing Conflict:
An early warning method to assess the impact of political violence on vital security interests
|
2021
|
|
Countering hybrid threats:
Steps for improving EU-NATO cooperation
|
2021
|
|
Coupling or decoupling?:
Spillover in the multi-order
|
2018
|
|
COVID-19 and defence: the need for EU funding:
Why EU budget negotiators should not only focus on financial firepower
|
2020
|
|
Covid-19 en het multilaterale veiligheidsbestel:
Nog zwaarder weer op komst
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 Impact on the Value Chain — Conceptual paper
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 Impact on the Value Chain in Latin America
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 Impact on West African Value Chains
|
2020
|
|
Covid-19 prompts the EU and the Netherlands to rethink global health
|
2021
|
|
Crime after Jihad::
armed groups, the state and illicit business in post-conflict Mali
|
2014
|
|
Crime and error::
why we urgently need a new approach to illicit trafficking in fragile states
|
2012
|
|
The Crisis in North Africa:
Implications for Europe and Options for EU Policymakers
|
2015
|
|
The crisis of representation in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
|
2023
|
|
Crying Wolf?:
Assessing Unconventional Terrorism
|
2000
|
|
Cultivating conflict and violence?:
A conflict perspective on the EU approach to the Syrian refugee crisis
|
2016
|
|
Dancing in the Dark:
Divergent approaches to improving security and justice in South Sudan
|
2015
|
|
Dealing with China on high-tech issues:
Views from the US, EU and like-minded countries in a changing geopolitical landscape
|
2020
|
|
Dealing with Scarcity and Violent Conflict:
|
2003
|
|
Deaths in Wars and Conflicts in the 20th Century
|
2006
|
|
Decentralisation amidst hybrid governance:
The case of northern Mali
|
2020
|
|
Decentralisation and inclusive governance in fragile settings:
Lessons for the Sahel
|
2020
|
|
Décentralisation et gouvernance hybride:
Le cas du nord du Mali
|
2020
|
|
Decision-making by the Security Council::
Terrorist acts which threaten international peace and security, 1989 – 2003.
|
2003
|
|
Decision-making by the Security Council: Terrorist acts which threaten international peace and security, 1989–2004.:
A Survey of Resolutions
|
2005
|
|
Decision-making by the Security Council: The Situation between Iraq and Kuwait, 1990-2002.:
A survey of resolutions.
|
2002
|
|
Declining media freedom and biased reporting on foreign actors in Serbia:
Prospects for an enhanced EU approach
|
2020
|
|
Deepening EU integration and the Netherlands’ EU narrative
|
2018
|
|
Defence and Covid-19:
Why budget cuts should be off the table
|
2020
|
|
Defence Cooperation in Clusters:
Identifying the Next Steps
|
2014
|
|
Defence cooperation models:
Lessons learned and usability
|
2016
|
|
Defending Europe:
Translating mutual assistance into action
|
2017
|
|
‘Designed in Ethiopia’ and ‘Made in China’:
Sino-Ethiopian technology collaboration in South-South relations
|
2021
|
|
Designing an Integrated Strategy For Peace, Security and Development In Post-Agreement Sudan
|
2005
|
|
Despite military progress, it’s not going well in Northern Benin
|
2023
|
|
The destructive effects of state capture in the Western Balkans:
EU enlargement undermined
|
2020
|
|
Détente Between China and India The Delicate Balance of Geopolitics in Asia
|
2008
|
|
Deterrence as a security concept against non-traditional threats:
In-depth study Clingendael Monitor 2015
|
2015
|
|
Developing European defence capabilities:
Bringing order into disorder
|
2017
|
|
Digital connectivity going global:
The case for digital ODA
|
2020
|
|
Digital Dichotomy:
Opportunities and Challenges of Digitalization in Fragile Settings
|
2023
|
|
Digital Global Gateway matchmaking::
a Dutch case study to bolster European action
|
2023
|
|
The Diplomacy of Micro–states
|
2006
|
|
Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration:
Mapping Issues, Dilemmas and Guiding Principles
|
2006
|
|
Drivers of urban reconstruction in Syria::
power, privilege and profit extraction
|
2018
|
|
The Dutch Dragging Their Feet:
The Challenge of Being Constructive While Making the EU ‘FitFor30+’
|
2023
|
|
Dutch focus turns to Europe:
Support for greater European military independence, task specialisation and a higher defence budget
|
2020
|
|
Dutch niches for Global Gateway in the digital domain:
An initial enquiry
|
2023
|
|
The Dutch position on Kosovo’s EU visa liberalisation process:
Light at the end of the tunnel?
|
2022
|
|
Dutch Views of China:
Unfavourable and Deteriorating
|
2021
|
|
Dutch views on Transatlantic ties and European security cooperation in times of geopolitical rivalry
|
2020
|
|
Eagles riding the storm of war::
The role of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party
|
2019
|
|
Early recovery in post-conflict countries:
A conceptual study
|
2010
|
|
The Eastern Partnership:
Three dilemmas in a time of troubles
|
2021
|
|
The Eastern Partnership::
Towards a New Era of Cooperation between the EU and its Eastern Neighbours?
|
2009
|
|
Economic Governance from Rules to Management:
How to strengthen member states
|
2020
|
|
Een eerlijke energietransitie voor iedereen: Eindaanbevelingen:
Nationaal Rapport – Nederland
|
2022
|
|
The Egyptian 25 January Revolution One Year On:
Challenges and opportunities in the transition towards democracy
|
2012
|
|
Elections between hope and fear
|
2005
|
|
Elections in the Netherlands:
What are the parties’ views on foreign affairs?
|
2021
|
|
Elites, power and security:
How the organization of security in Lebanon serves elite interests
|
2015
|
|
Emotions in Mediation::
Disputant Perception of the Mediator
|
2008
|
|
Ending the North Korean Nuclear Crisis::
Six Parties, Six Perspectives
|
2008
|
|
Energietransitie voor iedereen?:
Hoe het draagvlak voor klimaatbeleid te behouden in tijden van energiearmoede
|
2022
|
|
Energising EU enlargement?:
The prospects of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans
|
2021
|
|
Energy security as positive force for green growth in Indonesia?
|
2016
|
|
Engagement with Non-State Actors in Fragile States::
Narrowing Definitions, Broadening Scope
|
2012
|
|
Engaging but not endorsing Chinaʹs Belt and Road Initiative
|
2019
|
|
Engaging the Arab World through Social Diplomacy
|
2011
|
|
Enhancing Democratic Governance of the Security Sector::
An Institutional Assessment Framework
|
2003
|
|
Entre espoir et désespoir:
Adaptation pastorale au Burkina Faso
|
2021
|
|
Entre pandémie et pauvreté:
Pandémonium pour les éleveurs au Sahel
|
2020
|
|
The EU and Rule of Law Reform in Kosovo
|
2010
|
|
The EU and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict::
The limits of the CFSP
|
2007
|
|
The EU and Ukraine:
Towards a new security and defence relationship
|
2023
|
|
EU and US – security relations and the New Transatlantic Agenda:
Two case studies
|
1999
|
|
The EU as a promoter of democracy or ‘stabilitocracy’ in the Western Balkans?
|
2022
|
|
The EU as a security actor in Africa:
In-depth study Clingendael Monitor 2016
|
2015
|
|
The EU as a Security Provider
|
2014
|
|
EU China agreement:
A sign of European geopolitical awakening
|
2021
|
|
The EU enlargement package:
Can one bad apple spoil the whole barrel?
|
2020
|
|
The EU Maritime Security Strategy:
Promoting or Absorbing European Defence Cooperation?
|
2015
|
|
EU Representation in the OPCW after Lisbon::
Still Waiting for Brussels
|
2012
|
|
The EU, Russia and the Quest for a New European Security Bargain
|
2015
|
|
EU Strategy and European Defence:
What Level of Ambition?
|
2016
|
|
Europe and Japan should look to each other amid uncertainty about Trump and Xi
|
2017
|
|
Europe cannot wait for unity:
Teaming up to improve EU foreign policy effectiveness – and what the Netherlands could contribute to it
|
2022
|
|
European Action in Middle East Conflicts
|
2015
|
|
The European Commission on the brink of a green recovery:
Will it be able to deliver?
|
2020
|
|
The European Council’s Strategic Agenda:
Setting the EU’s political priorities
|
2019
|
|
European defence::
how to engage the UK after Brexit?
|
2017
|
|
European defence:
Specialisation by capability groups
|
2021
|
|
European defence::
action and commitment
|
2017
|
|
European defence and the war in Ukraine:
Actions speak louder than words
|
2022
|
|
European defence core groups:
The why, what & how of permanent structured cooperation
|
2016
|
|
European Defence Fund:
The real test is yet to come
|
2021
|
|
European defence industry::
urgent action is needed!
|
2024
|
|
The European External Action Service::
Preparing for Success
|
2010
|
|
The European Gendarmerie Force::
Beyond Potential
|
2012
|
|
A European Green Deal for militaries to strengthen Europe’s Defence
|
2022
|
|
The European Parliament after the elections
|
2018
|
|
European seaports and Chinese strategic influence:
The relevance of the Maritime Silk Road for the Netherlands
|
2019
|
|
European strategic autonomy::
Going it alone?
|
2018
|
|
European strategic autonomy in security and defence:
Now the going gets tough, it’s time to get going
|
2020
|
|
European Strategy, European Defence, and the CSDP
|
2015
|
|
The European Union and Internal Challenges for Effectively Supporting Security Sector Reform:
An overview of the EU’s set-up for SSR support anno spring 2009
|
2009
|
|
The European Union and Russia::
Perception and Interest in the Shaping of Relations
|
2008
|
|
The European Union in a crowded Horn of Africa
|
2023
|
|
The European Union’s Strategy on Weapons of mass Destruction:
From Ambition to Disappointment
|
2011
|
|
Europeanising health policy in times of coronationalism
|
2020
|
|
Europees Lobbyen voor Nederlandse Agrokennis
|
2015
|
|
Europe’s Digital Decade?:
Navigating the global battle for digital supremacy
|
2020
|
|
Europe’s Virtual Security Debate and a New Transatlantic Relationship
|
2010
|
|
Europese defensiecapaciteiten en de Nederlandse inspanning
|
2023
|
|
The EU’s joined-up approach to security:
Between robust external action and co-ordinated compromise
|
2016
|
|
The EU’s Strategic Compass for security and defence:
Squaring ambition with reality
|
2021
|
|
The EU’s Support to Security System Reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo::
Perceptions from the field in Spring 2010
|
2011
|
|
An Ever Closer Union?:
Ramifications of further integration between Belarus and Russia
|
2021
|
|
The evolution of Al-Qaedaism:
Ideology, terrorists, and appeal
|
2007
|
|
Exploring avenues in the EU’s rule of law crisis:
What role for the Netherlands?
|
2021
|
|
Factors for the Success or Failure of Stabilisation Operations
|
2009
|
|
Fair Energy Transition for All: Final Recommendations:
National Report of the Netherlands – Results of dialogues with vulnerable citizens about the energy transition
|
2022
|
|
Faith-Based Peace-Building::
Mapping and Analysis of Christian, Muslim and Multi-Faith Actors
|
2005
|
|
Fears for militarisation of climate change:
Should we be concerned?
|
2020
|
|
Feuille de route pour une gestion migratoire durable au Sahel::
enseignements d’Agadez
|
2017
|
|
Fighting an existential threat::
small island states bringing climate change to the UN Security Council
|
2018
|
|
Fighting an existential threat::
small island states bringing climate change to the UN Security Council
|
2018
|
|
Fighting for Kurdistan?:
Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq
|
2018
|
|
Fighting for Peace:
The Tricky Business of Using Greater Force in UN Peace Operations
|
2015
|
|
Financial disruption and fragile markets:
A political-economic perspective on SMEs in the Somali private sector under COVID-19
|
2021
|
|
FINANCING MECHANISMS FOR POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION
|
2007
|
|
Financing of Peacekeeping Operations:
A benchmark study
|
2008
|
|
Finding justice amidst insecurity::
Policy initiatives to strengthen customary justice systems and mitigate conflicts in Central Mali
|
2018
|
|
Fire and haze:
Sino–US rivalry, the COVID-19 crisis and financial markets
|
2020
|
|
Five crises around Europe not to be forgotten despite Covid-19
|
2020
|
|
Fix the unfixable:
Dealing with full-blown crisis and instability: How to bring greater stability to the Sahel?
|
2015
|
|
For the long run:
A mapping of migration-related activities in the wider Sahel region
|
2017
|
|
Foreign Policy Responses to International Cyber-attacks:
Some Lessons Learned
|
2015
|
|
Forging European Unity on China:
The Case of Hungarian Dissent
|
2022
|
|
Four scenarios for electoral violence::
the 2020 Ivorian Presidential and Parliamentary elections
|
2020
|
|
Four ways in which the Syrian regime controls refugee return
|
2018
|
|
Framework for Strategic Governance And Corruption Analysis:
Designing Strategic Responses Towards Good Governance
|
2007
|
|
France and visa liberalisation for Kosovo:
Ready to move forward?
|
2022
|
|
De Franse waarschuwing:
Er staat veel op het spel in het Frankrijk van Macron
|
2022
|
|
Freedom isn’t Free:
Een kosten-baten analyse van de steun aan Oekraïne
|
2024
|
|
From ‘business as usual’ to ‘business for peace’?:
Unpacking the conflict-sensitivity narrative
|
2014
|
|
From Catastrophe to Famine:
Immediate action needed in Sudan to contain mass starvation
|
2024
|
|
From Competition to Compatibility:
Striking a Eurasian balance in EU-Russia relations
|
2015
|
|
From entitlements to power structures:
Improving analysis for community security programming
|
2016
|
|
From indices to insight:
A proposal to enhance the risk assessment of the Dutch Early Warning/Early Action process
|
2021
|
|
From legal to administrative subsidiarity:
Diagnosing enforcement of EU border control
|
2020
|
|
From Military Coups to Multiparty Elections::
The Ghanaian Military-Civil Transition
|
2001
|
|
From Project to Program::
Effective Programming for Security and Justice
|
2007
|
|
From security transition to civilian power::
Supporting Afghan youth after 2014
|
2012
|
|
From soldiers to politicians?:
Iraqʼs Al-Hashd Al-Shaʼabi ʻon the marchʼ
|
2018
|
|
From taking stock to increased European defence cooperation:
Diminishing the technological and capability gap of the European defence capacity
|
2007
|
|
From The Hague to Stockholm::
the Future of EU’s Internal Security Architecture and Police Cooperation
|
2009
|
|
From the ʻOrdinaryʼ Method to the Transgovernmental Method:
Comparative Trends in EU Governance
|
2019
|
|
FROM THE STRUGGLE FOR CITIZENSHIP TO THE FRAGMENTATION OF JUSTICE:
Yemen from 1990 to 2013
|
2014
|
|
From ‘Winner-Takes–All’ to Sharing the Cake?:
Preventing Election Violence in Afghanistan, Sudan and Burundi
|
2009
|
|
Fruitless cherry picking?:
EU engagement with the Syrian opposition (Etilaf)
|
2021
|
|
The future of Arctic security:
The geopolitical pressure cooker and the consequences for the Netherlands
|
2020
|
|
The Future of Police Missions
|
2016
|
|
The Future of the Benelux Defence Cooperation
|
2013
|
|
Gender and Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration:
Building Blocs for Dutch Policy
|
2005
|
|
The geopolitics of digital financial technologies:
A chance for Europe?
|
2022
|
|
The geopolitics of Syriaʹs reconstruction::
a case of matryoshka
|
2019
|
|
Geopolitieke contexten als oorzaken van migratie naar Nederland:
Een focus op landen van herkomst
|
2023
|
|
Geopolitieke factoren in relatie tot China als grond voor toetsing van buitenlandse directe investeringen
|
2020
|
|
Geo-strategy in the South Caucasus:
Power Play and Energy Security of States and Organisations
|
2006
|
|
Germany and the Ukraine war:
Zeitenwende with the brakes on
|
2022
|
|
Germany’s Zeitenwende and the consequences for German-Dutch defence cooperation
|
2024
|
|
Gestage toename van de beschermingsopdracht voor Oekraïense ontheemden
|
2022
|
|
De gevolgen van de Russische oorlog in Oekraïne voor de nationale veiligheid van het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden:
Verdiepende analyse bij de Rijksbrede Risicoanalyse Nationale Veiligheid
|
2023
|
|
Global Developments in State Failure:
A Brief Analysis of the Failed States Index 2005-2010
|
2011
|
|
Global food insecurity due to the war in Ukraine:
What could the Netherlands and the EU do to alleviate it?
|
2022
|
|
Globalization Paradox and the Coronavirus pandemic
|
2020
|
|
Going around in circles:
The challenges of peacekeeping and stabilization in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
|
2015
|
|
Governance Components in Peace Agreements::
Fundamental Elements of State and Peace Building?
|
2009
|
|
Governance in the international security arena::
A role for non-state stakeholders as co-providers of security
|
2009
|
|
Government and businesses::
Work together in the triple transition of geopolitics, sustainability and digitalisation!
|
2024
|
|
Great Powers and International Conflict Management:
European and Chinese Involvement in the Darfur and Iran Crises
|
2009
|
|
The Green Agenda::
Providing breathing space for Western Balkans citizens?
|
2021
|
|
Green growth and energy security:
Fossil-endowed middle-income countries at a crossroads
|
2017
|
|
Green or grey growth for Colombia?:
Challenging fossil-based energy security
|
2016
|
|
Gridlock, Corruption and Crime in the Western Balkans:
Why the EU Must Acknowledge its Limits
|
2014
|
|
The growing relevance of geopolitics for European business
|
2018
|
|
Growing stronger together:
Towards an EU–ASEAN digital partnership?
|
2022
|
|
Growth and Equity in Fragile States
|
2010
|
|
Hamas and its Positions Towards Israel:
Understanding the Islamic Resistance Organization through the concept of framing
|
2009
|
|
Harnessing EU-Kenya renewable energy relations for a bright future
|
2022
|
|
Henchman, Rebel, Democrat, Terrorist:
The YPG/PYD during the Syrian conflict
|
2021
|
|
Het Turkse diasporabeleid in Nederland:
Over het perspectief van de Turks-Nederlandse gemeenschap en het Turkse diasporabeleid
|
2023
|
|
Hoe moet de Nederlandse defensie er in de toekomst uitzien?:
Het perpetuum mobile van uitstel
|
2020
|
|
“Hope is not a Plan”::
In Search of a Western Strategy in Bosnia and Herzegovina
|
2009
|
|
Hope springs eternal::
EU options for dealing with the Assad regime
|
2020
|
|
A house divided:
Political relations and coalition-building between Iraq’s Shi’a
|
2017
|
|
How smart is the use of smart devices in the office?:
The case of industrial cleaning robots in the Netherlands
|
2021
|
|
How states could respond to non-state cyber-attackers
|
2020
|
|
How strategic tech cooperation can reinvigorate relations between the EU and India
|
2023
|
|
How Syria, Ukraine and Gaza are transforming power dynamics in the Caucasus
|
2024
|
|
How the Netherlands can choose opt-outs from the EU coronavirus recovery fund
|
2020
|
|
How to involve the private sector in peacebuilding processes
|
2009
|
|
How to make the comprehensive approach work:
Preparation at home is key to effective crisis management in the field
|
2012
|
|
How to ‘open’ Strategic Autonomy
|
2022
|
|
How to strengthen Europeʹs agenda on digital connectivity
|
2019
|
|
‘If you want to go far, go together’:
Community engagement and infrastructure development in fragile settings
|
2021
|
|
The impact of COVID-19 measures on Indonesian value chains
|
2020
|
|
Improving decentralised natural resource management in the Sahel:
The case of the Sourou river plain in Mali
|
2020
|
|
Improving security and justice through local/non-state actors:
The challenges of donor support to local/non-state security and justice providers
|
2012
|
|
Improving the Effectiveness of OSCE Missions::
The Case of Uzbekistan
|
2002
|
|
Improving the Effectiveness of OSCE Missions::
The Case of Ukraine
|
2002
|
|
In Search of Control:
International comparative research on (extra-)territorial access to asylum and humanitarian protection
|
2024
|
|
Incoherent Agendas:
Do European Union migration policies threaten regional integration in West Africa?
|
2019
|
|
Increasing Security in DR Congo::
Gender-Responsive Strategies for Combating Sexual Violence
|
2011
|
|
Indonesia’s Rise and Democracy Promotion in Asia::
The Bali Democracy Forum and Beyond
|
2013
|
|
The instrumentalization of migration:
A geopolitical perspective and toolbox
|
2022
|
|
Integrating socio-economic recovery into post-conflict stabilization programmes
|
2008
|
|
The Interface Between Domestic and International Factors in Colombia’s War System
|
2003
|
|
International arms flows::
monitoring, sources and obstacles
|
2018
|
|
Internet Lifeline Sudan:
Ensuring unhindered internet access is key to helping the Sudanese people survive the war
|
2024
|
|
Investors beware::
Europe’s top firms are highly exposed to China
|
2022
|
|
Iran’s Relations with China and the West:
Cooperation and Confrontation in Asia
|
2009
|
|
Iraq and Lebanon’s tortuous paths to reform
|
2020
|
|
Iraq at War (Again):
Perspectives and options for a long-term counter-terrorism and counter violent extremism strategy in Iraq
|
2016
|
|
Iraqi imbroglio: the Islamic State and beyond A brief analysis of the 2014 political-security crisis:
A brief analysis of the 2014 political-security crisis
|
2014
|
|
Iraq’s adolescent democracy:
Where to go from here
|
2020
|
|
Islamic State franchising:
Tribes, transnational jihadi networks and generational shifts
|
2015
|
|
Jihadi terrorists in Europe:
their characteristics and the circumstances in which they joined the jihad: an exploratory study
|
2006
|
|
Keeping options open::
Why the number of US military troops in Afghanistan beyond 2014 matters
|
2013
|
|
Kenya::
A green growth utopia?
|
2016
|
|
Kleptocracy versus Democracy:
How security-business networks hold hostage Sudan’s private sector and the democratic transition
|
2023
|
|
Klimaat blijft politieke splijtzwam
|
2021
|
|
Klimaatbeleid in de formatie 2021:
Europa bepaalt de nationale speelruimte steeds nadrukkelijker
|
2021
|
|
Kosovo’s NATO future:
How to Square the Circle?
|
2020
|
|
Kosovo’s new map of power::
governance and crime in the wake of independence
|
2011
|
|
La fin du statu quo ?:
La légitimité des autorités coutumières dans les zones de gouvernance hybride au Mali, au Niger et en Libye
|
2020
|
|
Lambs and Lions of the Arab Spring
|
2014
|
|
Laws of Attraction:
Northern Benin and risk of violent extremist spillover
|
2021
|
|
Lessons learned in the Levant:
Russia’s arms in the Syrian conflict
|
2020
|
|
Libyan tribes in the shadows of war and peace
|
2019
|
|
Libya’s Haftar and the Fezzan:
One year on
|
2020
|
|
Little substance, considerable impact:
Russian influence in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro
|
2023
|
|
Living Apart Together?:
On the Difficult Linkage between DDR and SSR in Post-Conflict Environments
|
2010
|
|
Local Dimensions of the Colombian Conflict::
Order and Security in Drug Trafficking
|
2003
|
|
Local Justice and Security Development in Burundi::
Workplace Associations as a Pathway Ahead
|
2011
|
|
Local Justice and Security Programming in Selected Neighborhoods in Colombia
|
2011
|
|
Local Justice and Security Providers in South Kivu::
Going Local to Support Youth-Neighborhood Watch-Community Development Groups
|
2011
|
|
Loi de l’attraction:
Le nord du Bénin et le risque de propagation de l’extrémisme violent
|
2021
|
|
Long-term protection in Europe needed for millions of Ukrainian refugees
|
2022
|
|
The Lord’s Resistance Army::
in Search for a New Approach
|
2010
|
|
The Lord’s Resistance Army::
tackling a regional spoiler
|
2008
|
|
Lost in transition::
The Muslim Brotherhood in 2022
|
2022
|
|
Making sense of European defence
|
2017
|
|
Making Sense of Informal Economies in Fragile Contexts:
Issues, Dilemmas and Questions
|
2015
|
|
Mali’s Fertile Grounds for Conflict::
Climate Change and Resource Stress
|
2017
|
|
Mali’s Fertile Grounds for Conflict::
Climate Change and Resource Stress
|
2017
|
|
Managing Group Grievances and Internal Conflict::
Ghana Country Report
|
2003
|
|
Managing Group Grievances and Internal Conflict::
Sri Lanka Country Report
|
2003
|
|
Managing Group Grievances and Internal Conflict::
Mozambique Country Report
|
2003
|
|
Mapping Research on European Peace Missions
|
2010
|
|
Measuring Security Progress::
Politics, Challenges and Solutions
|
2015
|
|
Medium–sized states in international cyber security policies
|
2016
|
|
‘The Middlemen’::
War Supply Networks in Sierra Leone and Angola
|
2003
|
|
Military capabilities affected by climate change:
An analysis of China, Russia and the United States
|
2023
|
|
Military coup betrays Sudan’s revolution::
Scenarios to regain the path towards full civilian rule
|
2021
|
|
Mind the Gap::
The United States Europe and the Middle East
|
2004
|
|
The missing dimension in rule of law policy:
From EU policies to multilevel capacity building
|
2018
|
|
Mission impossible?:
Police and justice capacity building by international peacekeeping missions
|
2019
|
|
Mission Probable::
the EU’s efforts to green security and defence
|
2021
|
|
Mistakes, means and opportunities:
How donors understand and influence legitimate and inclusive politics in Afghanistan
|
2016
|
|
Mixing politics and force:
Syriaʼs Constitutional Committee in review
|
2020
|
|
Monitoring and Enforcement in the European Union: towards a multilevel subsidiarity-based independent governance model:
The case of the Stability and Growth Pact
|
2019
|
|
More European defence cooperation::
the road to a European defence industry?
|
2018
|
|
More than infrastructures::
water challenges in Iraq
|
2018
|
|
Mozambique::
Prospects for a Lasting Peace?
|
2001
|
|
The MTCR at 30:
Ideas to Strengthen the Missile Technology Control Norm
|
2017
|
|
Muddling the Peace Process:
Post–tsunami Rehabilitation in War-torn Sri Lanka
|
2005
|
|
Multi-dimensional chess:
Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia
|
2020
|
|
Multi-year Defence Agreements:
A Model for Modern Defence?
|
2015
|
|
Multi-year Defence Agreements in the Netherlands
|
2016
|
|
Music as weapon::
Heroic lyrical epics as tools in the PKK’s struggle
|
2023
|
|
NATO in the Trump era::
surviving the crisis
|
2018
|
|
NATO’s Chicago Summit::
not ‘just’ an implementation Summit
|
2012
|
|
NATO’S New Strategic Concept::
Rising to the Occasion
|
2009
|
|
Navigating an uncertain future:
Verkenning invloed van China op de toekomstige Nederlandse maritiem-logistieke hubfunctie
|
2022
|
|
Navigating an uncertain future:
An exploration of China’s influence on the Netherlands’ future maritime logistics hub function
|
2022
|
|
Navigating an uncertain future:
Verkenning invloed van China op de toekomstige Nederlandse maritiem-logistieke hubfunctie
|
2022
|
|
Navigating the climate crisis together:
EU-ASEAN cooperation on climate adaptation
|
2024
|
|
Nearing the brink?:
Political instability in Tajikistan
|
2016
|
|
Nederlanders bezorgd over het buitenland in de aanloop naar de verkiezingen:
Polarisatie over migratie en klimaat, consensus over China
|
2021
|
|
De Nederlandse sleutelrol in de geglobaliseerde drugshandel en productie
|
2021
|
|
De Nederlandse wending naar Europa:
Steun voor meer Europese militaire zelfstandigheid, taakspecialisatie en een hoger defensiebudget
|
2020
|
|
The Netherlands and Afghanistan:
Dutch Policies and Interventions with regard to the Civil War in Afghanistan
|
2000
|
|
The Netherlands and Guatemala:
Dutch policies and Interventions in the Guatemalan Conflict and Peace
|
2000
|
|
The Netherlands and its Whole of Government Approach on Fragile States Case study Sudan:
Case study Sudan
|
2006
|
|
The Netherlands and Liberia:
Dutch Policies and Interventions with respect to the Liberian Civil War
|
1999
|
|
The Netherlands and Rwanda:
A case study on Dutch Foreign Policies and Interventions in the contemporary conflict history of Rwanda
|
2000
|
|
The Netherlands and Sri Lanka:
Dutch Policies and Interventions with regard to the Conflict in Sri Lanka
|
2004
|
|
The Netherlands and Sudan::
Dutch Policies and Interventions with respect to the Sudanese Civil War
|
2000
|
|
The Netherlands as a champion of EU enlargement?
|
2020
|
|
New challenges to Israel’s strategies of control:
Beyond Sheikh Jarrah
|
2021
|
|
A new conflict management strategy for Syria:
Creating a Safe, Calm and Neutral Environment
|
2022
|
|
The new criminal powers:
The spread of illicit links to politics across the world and how it can be tackled
|
2016
|
|
New dots on the security horizon:
Results from the Clingendael Expert Survey
|
2017
|
|
The New East-West Discord:
Russian Objectives, Western Interests
|
2015
|
|
A new formula for collaboration::
Turkey, the EU & North Africa
|
2022
|
|
The New Iraqi Opposition:
The anti-establishment movement after the 2021 elections
|
2023
|
|
New kid on the block:
The European Commission and European defence
|
2016
|
|
A new momentum for EU-Turkey cooperation on migration
|
2021
|
|
A New Strategy – Implications for CSDP
|
2016
|
|
New studies by international organisations feature migration as a consequence of land, food and water scarcity
|
2018
|
|
New Threats, New EU and NATO Responses
|
2015
|
|
NL Kiest:
Wat vinden de partijen van het buitenland?
|
2021
|
|
No More Hills Ahead?:
The Sudan’s Tortuous Ascent to Heights of Peace
|
2005
|
|
Non-paper on Pooled Funding Mechanisms in Post-Conflict Situations
|
2009
|
|
Now or never:
Using the EU’s trade power as leverage for a climate deal in Paris
|
2015
|
|
Nuclear risk reduction::
How could the EU contribute?
|
2020
|
|
Obtenir justice dans un climat d’insécurité:
Initiatives politiques de renforcement des systèmes coutumiers et d’atténuation des conflits dans le centre du Mali
|
2018
|
|
Oekraïense en Russische gemeenschappen in Nederland:
Onderzoek naar het diasporalandschap, verhoudingen tussen gemeenschappen en het diasporabeleid van Oekraïne en Rusland
|
2023
|
|
Oekraïne: ‘whatever it takes’?:
Het belang van een duidelijk besluitvormingskader
|
2023
|
|
‘Of Cattle and Conflict’ — Rethinking responses to pastoralism-related conflicts
|
2021
|
|
Of flour, yeast and water:
A recipe for (Syrian) conflict data
|
2018
|
|
‘One Belt, One Road’:
An Opportunity for the EU’s Security Strategy
|
2015
|
|
One thousand and one failings:
Security sector stabilisation and development in Libya
|
2020
|
|
Open strategic autonomy:
The digital dimension
|
2023
|
|
Open strategic autonomy in European defence::
what countries must do
|
2022
|
|
Opvang van Oekraïners in Nederland: een kwestie van lange adem:
Kritieke factoren en scenario’s voor de beschermingsopdracht van Oekraïense ontheemden in de Europese Unie en Nederland
|
2022
|
|
The Origins of Contemporary Conflict:
A Comparison of Violence in Three World Regions
|
2003
|
|
Our Talk and Walk:
Discourse Analysis and Conflict Studies
|
2005
|
|
Outpost of Empire:
Base politics with Chinese characteristics
|
2020
|
|
Overcoming EU internal dividing lines in the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue
|
2022
|
|
Overheid en bedrijven::
Werk samen in de trio-transitie van geopolitiek, verduurzaming en digitalisering!
|
2023
|
|
Overview Syrian peace talks
|
2016
|
|
Overzicht van variabelen Barometer-alert ‘Dutch Views of China’:
Unfavourable and Deteriorating
|
2021
|
|
Overzicht van vragen Barometer Alert ‘Klimaat blijft politieke splijtzwam’
|
2021
|
|
Pakistan’s show of strength…, or a further slide into fragility?
|
2009
|
|
Pandemic or pandemonium?:
Covid-19 and conflict in the Middle East
|
2020
|
|
Pandora’s Box in Syria:
Anticipating negative externalities of a re-entrenching regime
|
2020
|
|
The Parliamentary Dimension of Defence Cooperation
|
2016
|
|
PEACE AND SECURITY STRATEGIES FOR EUROPEAN ENGAGEMENT WITH SYRIAN DIASPORA CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS
|
2021
|
|
Peace in idle hands::
the prospects and pitfalls of economic recovery in Burundi
|
2010
|
|
Peacekeeping operations in a changing world
|
2015
|
|
Perpetuating power:
Ethiopia’s political settlement and the organization of security
|
2016
|
|
PESCO implementation::
the next challenge
|
2018
|
|
Phoenix or Icarus?:
European strategic autonomy in light of Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
PINPoints Network Perspectives 43, December 2016
|
2016
|
|
Pioneering for Solutions to Somali Piracy - Facing the Challenge, Seizing the Opportunity
|
2009
|
|
Polarisatie van Ruslandhoudingen in Nederland:
De opkomst van gemeenschapsdenken in de buitenlandse politiek
|
2022
|
|
Polarisation of attitudes towards Russia in the Netherlands:
The rise of communautarian thinking in foreign policy
|
2022
|
|
Policing the police:
The EU’s struggle to strengthen the Libyan security sector
|
2022
|
|
Political economy of green growth and energy security:
A framework for country-level analysis
|
2016
|
|
The Political Economy of Internal Conflict:
A Comparative Analysis of Angola, Colombia, Sierra Leone and Sri Lanka
|
2003
|
|
Political Economy of Internal Conflict::
A Review of Contemporary Trends and Issues
|
2001
|
|
The Political Economy of Internal Conflict in Sierra Leone
|
2003
|
|
Political Economy of Internal Conflict in Sri Lanka
|
2003
|
|
The Political Economy of State-building in Situations of Fragility and Conflict::
from Analysis to Strategy
|
2012
|
|
Political Issues of Paradiplomacy::
Lessons from the Developed World
|
2008
|
|
Politicking in Doha:
But will the Syrian opposition shift to more pragmatic diplomacy?
|
2022
|
|
The politics of COVID-19 in the Sahel
|
2020
|
|
Positively curious::
the Dutch position on the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)
|
2022
|
|
Post-revolutionary Discontent and F(r)actionalisation in the Maghreb:
Managing the Tunisia-Libya Border Dynamics
|
2016
|
|
The Potential of the European Gendarmerie Force
|
2009
|
|
Poverty and Entitlement Dimensions of Political Conflict in Sri Lanka::
A Bibliographic Survey
|
2001
|
|
Power and potential::
The economics of Egyptian construction and ICT
|
2023
|
|
Power in perspective::
Four key insights into Iraqʹs Al-Hashd al-Shaʹabi
|
2018
|
|
The Power of War::
Why Europe Needs It
|
2008
|
|
Power Sharing Arrangements in Sri Lanka
|
2001
|
|
Pragmatic Realism in Justice and Security Development::
Supporting Improvement in the Performance of Non-State/Local Justice and Security Networks
|
2009
|
|
Presence before power:
China’s Arctic strategy in Iceland and Greenland
|
2020
|
|
The price of deterrence:
Australia’s path to maintaining sovereign borders
|
2024
|
|
Pride and prejudice:
Addressing bias in the analysis of political violence
|
2017
|
|
Proceedings International Expert Seminar:
Gender, Violent Conflict and Development: Issues for Theory, Policy and Practice 16 and 17 October 2003
|
2004
|
|
Progress on implementing the Hague Declaration on Climate and Security
|
2019
|
|
Progress on UN peacekeeping reform::
HIPPO and beyond
|
2017
|
|
Project Conflict Prevention in West Africa (CPWA)
|
1998
|
|
Prolonging the agony of UNMISS:
The implementation challenges of a new mandate during a civil war
|
2014
|
|
Promoting green growth in Colombia:
A post-conflict opportunity?
|
2016
|
|
Promoting green growth in Colombia:
A post-conflict opportunity?
|
2016
|
|
Promoting Sustainable Connectivity in the Balkans and Black Sea Region
|
2018
|
|
Prospects for Europe with the Indo-Pacific:
Ten steps for action based on shared interests
|
2024
|
|
Protests in Iran in comparative perspective:
A revolutionary state in trouble
|
2023
|
|
Public Diplomacy and nation Branding::
Conceptual Similarities and Difference
|
2008
|
|
Public Diplomacy in Afghanistan beyond the 2014 Transition::
Lessons from the United States and the Netherlands
|
2013
|
|
Que peut faire lʹUE?:
Les risques de sécurité liés au climat en Irak et au Mali
|
2018
|
|
Quo vadis post-Merkel Duitsland?:
Hoeveel verandert Duitsland van geopolitieke koers met de Ampel (of Jamaica)-coalitie?
|
2021
|
|
Radicalisation Processes Leading to Acts of Terrorism
|
2008
|
|
Ready for take-off?:
Military responses to climate change
|
2020
|
|
Realising the EU Hybrid Toolbox::
opportunities and pitfalls
|
2022
|
|
Realising the EU Rapid Deployment Capacity::
opportunities and pitfalls
|
2022
|
|
Reducing nuclear weapons risks:
A menu of 11 policy options
|
2018
|
|
Reflection on Rutte III Coalition Agreement
|
2017
|
|
Reimagining Europe’s partnerships with India and Japan::
a new trilateral?
|
2018
|
|
Reinforcing efforts to seize the fleeting window of opportunity in North Kivu
|
2008
|
|
Reintegration in Burundi::
between happy cows and lost investments
|
2008
|
|
Reintegration Phase of DDR Processes:
Expert meeting report
|
2008
|
|
The relationship between external and internal security
|
2015
|
|
Religion and Islam in Contemporary International Relations
|
2010
|
|
Renforcement de la gouvernance dans un district marqué par les conflits (Ituri) en République Démocratique du Congo
|
2010
|
|
Renforcement de la sécurité en République Démocratique du Congo ::
stratégies tenant compte des dynamiques relatives aux sexospécificités pour lutter contre les violences sexuelles
|
2011
|
|
Resolving Intractable Conflicts in Africa::
A Case Study of Sierra Leone
|
2004
|
|
Resource curse or darling:
Rethinking EU energy interests in Kazakhstan
|
2024
|
|
Response Forces Galore:
A guided tour
|
2014
|
|
Rethinking Conflict Resolution in Africa:
Lessons from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone and Sudan
|
2004
|
|
Returns at what cost:
The challenges of placing readmissions at the heart of EU migration policies
|
2019
|
|
Review of the Peacebuilding Fund
|
2009
|
|
Revolution and its discontents::
state, factions and violence in the new Libya
|
2013
|
|
Rising Tensions Between the West and Russia::
What Role For Arms Control?
|
2018
|
|
Roadmap for sustainable migration management in the Sahel::
lessons from Agadez
|
2017
|
|
The Role of SNV in Developing Countries in Internal Armed Conflict (Unedited Version)
|
2001
|
|
The roots of Mali’s conflict:
Moving beyond the 2012 crisis
|
2015
|
|
The R-Phase of DDR processes:
An Overview of Key Lessons Learned and Practical Experiences
|
2008
|
|
The RRF as administrative subsidiarity
|
2021
|
|
Rule of Law and Security Sector Reform:
A pragmatic approach to addressing the security and justice spectrum
|
2012
|
|
Ruslandbeeld van de Nederlanders kantelt en is minder gepolariseerd:
Nederlanders kijken meer door een geopolitieke bril
|
2022
|
|
The Russia policy conundrum:
Who blinks first?
|
2020
|
|
Russian–Chinese Security Relations::
Moscow’s Threat from the East?
|
2013
|
|
The Russians are coming! The Russians are coming?:
Russia’s growing presence in Africa and its implication for European policy
|
2022
|
|
Russia’s Military Reforms:
Victory after Twenty Years of Failure?
|
2011
|
|
Sahel::
Why stabilization efforts should address internal displacement
|
2023
|
|
SAUDI ARABIA BETWEEN CONSERVATISM, ACCOMMODATION AND REFORM
|
2012
|
|
Saudi Arabia’s strategic stalemate — what next?
|
2017
|
|
The Saudi-Emirati axis and the preservation of regional order
|
2022
|
|
Scenarios for the Palestinian issue after the Gaza war
|
2023
|
|
Securing its success, justifying its relevance:
Mapping a way forward for Security Sector Reform
|
2014
|
|
Seizing the momentum:
EU Green Energy Diplomacy towards Kazakhstan
|
2021
|
|
Seizing the Momentum::
Avenues for EU-Indian Maritime Cooperation in a Connectivity Context
|
2019
|
|
Seminar International trends on the use of private armed security companies for the protection against maritime piracy
|
2013
|
|
Sentinel of the Caribbean:
US Foreign Policy towards Venezuela
|
2020
|
|
Setting a Progressive United Nations Peace and Security Agenda:
Searching for New Narratives
|
2014
|
|
Shades of grey::
The evolving links between the Houthi and Iran
|
2023
|
|
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation:
Towards a full-grown security alliance?
|
2007
|
|
Sharing the Burden, Sharing the Secrets:
The future of European intelligence cooperation
|
2021
|
|
A shift in European security interests since the EU Global Strategy?
|
2017
|
|
Signalling as a foreign policy instrument to deter cyber aggression by state actors
|
2015
|
|
Sino-European joint ventures and the risk of technology transfers
|
2022
|
|
Six scenarios for pro-regime militias in ʻpost-warʼ Syria
|
2019
|
|
A smart Smart City plan::
The importance of controlling the flow and storage of ‘the new coal’
|
2019
|
|
SOLDERING THE LINK::
The UN Global Focal Point for police, justice and corrections
|
2012
|
|
Sous le microscope::
les systèmes de justice coutumiers dans le Nord du Mali
|
2017
|
|
A South China Sea Conflict::
Implications for European Security
|
2016
|
|
South Sudan:
From Fragility at Independence to a Crisis of Sovereignty
|
2014
|
|
Southern Sudan: the new kid on the block?:
Assessing the neighbourhood on the threshold of Southern Sudan’s self-determination referendum
|
2010
|
|
Sovereignty, parliamentary involvement and European defence cooperation
|
2014
|
|
Spearheading European Defence:
Employing the Lisbon Treaty for a Stronger CSDP
|
2016
|
|
Specialising in European defence:
To choose or not to choose?
|
2022
|
|
The spies who came in from the Cold War
|
2020
|
|
Spoilers and Perils In Post–Settlement Sudan:
Moving Beyond the North–South Paradigm
|
2005
|
|
Sri Lanka::
Political-Military Relations
|
2001
|
|
Stability and economic recovery after Assad::
key steps for Syria’s post-conflict transition
|
2012
|
|
The state and the future of conflict
|
2017
|
|
State building at the grassroots::
Community-based approaches in conflict-affected states
|
2013
|
|
State Fragility in Mali:
The Soumaïla Cissé kidnapping in perspective
|
2020
|
|
State or Private Protection against Maritime Piracy?:
A Dutch Perspective
|
2013
|
|
A state under siege::
elites, criminal networks and institutional reform in Guatemala
|
2010
|
|
State-building in Georgia::
Unfinished and at Risk?
|
2004
|
|
State-level responses to massive cyber-attacks::
a policy toolbox
|
2018
|
|
Stepping up the greenification of the power sector in the Western Balkans
|
2021
|
|
Steun aan Oekraïne::
geen tijd om te verliezen
|
2024
|
|
Still a long way to go:
Energy security and green growth in Indonesia
|
2016
|
|
Stormclouds and Solutions::
Anticipating and Preparing for Climate Change and Security Risks in the Caribbean
|
2019
|
|
Streamlining the value chain in times of COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
Strengthening digital economic security in Europe:
Promote, Shape, Regulate and Protect, please!
|
2023
|
|
Strengthening governance in a post-conflict district of the Democratic Republic of Congo::
a study of Ituri
|
2010
|
|
Strengthening Governance in Post-Conflict Fragile States Issues paper
|
2009
|
|
“Strengthening the forces of moderation in the Israeli – Palestinian conflict::
the role of the European Union after the Gaza war”
|
2009
|
|
A Stronger CSDP::
Deepening Defence Cooperation
|
2016
|
|
A stubborn threat::
Islamic State in Iraq in early 2022
|
2022
|
|
Stuck in Change:
Faith-based Peace-building in Sudan’s Transition
|
2006
|
|
Supporting SSR in the DRC: between a Rock and a Hard Place:
An Analysis of the Donor Approach to Supporting Security Sector Reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo
|
2010
|
|
Supporting the Syrian Summer::
Dynamics of the Uprising and Considerations for International Engagement
|
2011
|
|
Syria in 2013:
Preparing for persistent turmoil?
|
2012
|
|
Syria in 2019: four scenarios:
Implications for policy planning
|
2017
|
|
The Syrian Desert Hawks::
flying no more
|
2020
|
|
Taking back responsibility:
A joint effort to increase the production of medical masks in Europe
|
2020
|
|
Taking the comprehensive approach beyond the Afghanistan experience:
Lessons learned from Exercise Common Effort
|
2012
|
|
Technologische samenwerking met China:
Risico’s voor en belangen van Nederland op de terreinen halfgeleiders, fotonica en medicijn-/vaccinontwikkeling
|
2021
|
|
Telephones yes, networks no:
Dutch attitudes towards Chinese technology
|
2020
|
|
Terra Incognita::
land degradation as underestimated threat amplifier
|
2014
|
|
Terrorism and Counterterrorism:
Insights and Perspectives after September 11
|
2001
|
|
A Test of Endurance:
Addressing migration and security risks by means of landscape restoration in Africa
|
2018
|
|
Ticking the box::
elections in Sudan
|
2009
|
|
Time to change track:
Assessing the UN’s conflict mediation strategy for Syria from 2019 to 2023
|
2023
|
|
To stop the war in Sudan, bankrupt the warlords:
Cutting off finance to Sudan’s generals can pressure them to stop the fighting
|
2023
|
|
Together or Alone?:
The need for increased Albanian-Dutch cooperation to fight transnational organised crime
|
2020
|
|
Towards a Better Understanding of Climate Security Practices
|
2021
|
|
Towards a European Strategic Concept
|
2000
|
|
Towards a ‘green’ trajectory of economic growth and energy security in Kenya?
|
2016
|
|
Towards a Political Islam
|
2009
|
|
Towards a Whole-of-Government Approach to Security System Reform
|
2008
|
|
Towards an EU geopolitical approach on transformative terms in the Western Balkans
|
2024
|
|
Towards mutually beneficial EU-West African migration cooperation?:
Assessing EU policy trends and their implications for migration cooperation
|
2020
|
|
Towards open and secure digital connectivity:
Europe’s and Taiwan’s paths after the world’s first digital pandemic
|
2021
|
|
A Transition at Work?:
The ethnicization of Ethiopia’s informal sector
|
2021
|
|
Transitioning towards energy security beyond EU borders::
why, where and how?
|
2022
|
|
Trapped in a vicious cycle:
Factors of instability in the Nineveh Plains
|
2021
|
|
A treaty banning nuclear weapons and its implications for the Netherlands
|
2015
|
|
Tripoli’s Electricity Crisis and its Politicisation
|
2020
|
|
Truce on a tightrope::
risks and lessons from El Salvador’s bid to end gang warfare
|
2013
|
|
Trump’s Impact on European Security:
Policy Options in a Post-Western World
|
2018
|
|
Trump’s Nuclear Posture Review::
A New Rift between Europe and the US?
|
2018
|
|
Tsar-struck:
How Vladimir Putin uses the history of the Russian Empire
|
2022
|
|
Turkey in northwestern Syria:
Rebuilding empire at the margins
|
2019
|
|
Turkey in the Horn of Africa:
Between the Ankara Consensus and the Gulf Crisis
|
2019
|
|
Turkey’s interventions in its near abroad::
The case of Idlib
|
2021
|
|
Turkey’s interventions in its near abroad::
The case of northern Cyprus
|
2022
|
|
Turkey’s interventions in its near abroad::
The case of Libya
|
2021
|
|
Turkey’s love-in with Qatar:
A marriage of convenience
|
2021
|
|
Turkish interventions in its near abroad::
The case of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
|
2022
|
|
Turning EU green energy diplomacy into reality
|
2021
|
|
Tussen hoop en vrees:
Van Ruslandschok naar Hamasschok - De verzuchting naar eigentijdse gemeenschapsafbakening
|
2024
|
|
Tussen hoop en vrees:
Bescherming van de gemeenschap en de-globalisering in het jaar van de Ruslandschok
|
2022
|
|
Twilight Institutions:
Land conflict and hybrid authorities in Benin’s Borgou department
|
2023
|
|
An uncertain world:
Clingendael 2013 Strategic Monitor
|
2013
|
|
Uncharted and uncomfortable in European defence:
The EU’s mutual assistance clause of Article 42(7)
|
2022
|
|
Unpacking China’s Digital Silk Road
|
2020
|
|
Unpacking open strategic autonomy:
From concept to practice
|
2021
|
|
Unravelling Turkish involvement in the Sahel:
Geopolitics and local impact
|
2023
|
|
The untapped resource::
Protecting and leveraging refugee social capital in protracted displacement
|
2018
|
|
Upgrading Peacekeeping to Counter Transnational Conflict Drivers::
Five Essential Actions
|
2014
|
|
The urgent need for a renewed SSR effort in the Democratic Republic of Congo
|
2007
|
|
US Deterrence against Chinese Cyber Espionage:
The Danger of Proliferating Covert Cyber Operations
|
2015
|
|
The Use of Peace Conditionalities in Conflict and Post-conflict settings::
A Conceptual Framework and a Checklist
|
2006
|
|
Venezuela’s pathway to peace:
The indispensable role for the European Union
|
2022
|
|
Verbondenheid in veiligheid:
De contouren van een onderzoeksagenda voor drie ministeries
|
2020
|
|
Verkiezingen?:
Door houtrot in de Israëlische democratie zal er voor de Palestijnse kwestie weinig veranderen
|
2019
|
|
Waiting for blowback:
The Kurdish question and Turkey’s new regional militarism
|
2020
|
|
Walking the tightrope towards the EU:
Moldova’s vulnerabilities amid war in Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
The war in Ukraine:
Adapting the EU’s security and defence policy
|
2023
|
|
War Without End?:
The Political economy of Internal conflict in Angola
|
2001
|
|
“Wat denkt u: komen de Russen?”:
Dreigingsbeeld over Rusland polariseert in Nederland
|
2020
|
|
Water crises – water opportunities:
Promoting water cooperation in the Middle East
|
2023
|
|
ʻWeinig empathisch, wel effectiefʼ:
Percepties van Nederlandse belangenbehartiging in de Europese Unie
|
2019
|
|
Wel de telefoon, niet de netwerken:
Nederlandse houdingen ten opzichte van Chinese technologie
|
2020
|
|
Welke militaire steun kan Oekraïne krijgen?
|
2022
|
|
Western Crisis Response and the Question of Palestine
|
2011
|
|
The West’s struggle in Sudan:
Standing with the people while being stuck with the coup regime
|
2022
|
|
“What do you think: are the Russians coming?”:
Polarised views of Russian threat in the Netherlands
|
2020
|
|
What EU Member States can learn from Kosovo’s experience in repatriating former foreign fighters and their families
|
2020
|
|
When pandemic meets poverty:
Pandemonium for pastoralists in the Sahel
|
2020
|
|
When Peace is the Exception::
Shifting the Donor Narrative in South Sudan
|
2015
|
|
When the Centre Doesn’t Hold::
Imagining a Different Somalia
|
2011
|
|
When the dust settles:
Economic and governance repercussions of migration policies in Niger’s north
|
2020
|
|
Who’s afraid of the responsibility to protect?
|
2012
|
|
Whose Long Arm?:
Challenges to Understanding Turkish Diaspora Politics
|
2021
|
|
Why Europe needs a new European Security Strategy
|
2012
|
|
Why the EU is not promoting effective multilateralism:
On a fundamental flaw in the European Security Strategy
|
2013
|
|
Why the EU should help former smugglers get a job:
An integrated approach for Agadez (and beyond)
|
2018
|
|
Why the Netherlands should step up its ambitions on global health
|
2017
|
|
Will the European hero please stand up?:
An essay on European global narrative strategy
|
2021
|
|
With or without Erdoğan, we need to talk about refugees again
|
2023
|
|
Witnesses to change:
Defence transformation in comparative perspective
|
2019
|
|
WMD Proliferation and Transatlantic Relations::
Is a Joint Western Strategy Possible?
|
2004
|
|
Work in Progress::
Ukraine’s State-Civil Partnership to Reform the Security Sector
|
2023
|
|
Working Towards a Successful NPT 2020 Review Conference
|
2017
|
|
Xerxes’ New Arrows?:
The Proliferation Risks of Hypersonic Missiles
|
2020
|
|
Zorgen over buitenlandse inmenging
|
2020
|