|
ABSORB AND CONQUER::
AN EU APPROACH TO RUSSIAN AND CHINESE INTEGRATION IN EURASIA
|
2016
|
|
ACTS OF NORMALITY::
THE POTENTIAL FOR TURKEY-ARMENIA RAPPROCHEMENT
|
2022
|
|
AFTER ISIS::
HOW TO WIN THE PEACE IN IRAQ AND LIBYA
|
2017
|
|
AFTER PARIS::
WHAT PRICE EUROPEAN DEFENCE?
|
2015
|
|
AGAINST THE FLOW::
EUROPE’S ROLE IN KICKSTARTING ALGERIA’S GREEN TRANSITION
|
2022
|
|
ALL AT SEA::
EUROPE’S CRISIS OF SOLIDARITY ON MIGRATION
|
2019
|
|
ALONE IN THE DESERT?:
HOW FRANCE CAN LEAD EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2018
|
|
AMBIGUOUS ALLIANCE::
NEUTRALITY, OPT-OUTS, AND EUROPEAN DEFENCE
|
2021
|
|
THE ARRIVAL OF POST-PUTIN RUSSIA
|
2018
|
|
THE ART OF VASSALISATION::
HOW RUSSIA’S WAR ON UKRAINE HAS TRANSFORMED TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS
|
2023
|
|
ARTIFICIAL DIVIDE::
HOW EUROPE AND AMERICA COULD CLASH OVER AI
|
2021
|
|
AUTUMN OF THE PATRIARCH::
HOW TO HELP TUNISIANS DEFEND THEIR DEMOCRACY
|
2023
|
|
BACK FROM THE BRINK::
A BETTER WAY FOR EUROPE TO SUPPORT TUNISIA’S DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION
|
2021
|
|
BACK TO BARRACKS::
BUILDING DEMOCRACY AFTER THE MILITARY COUP IN SUDAN
|
2022
|
|
BACK TO DEMOCRACY::
EUROPE, HAMAS, AND THE PALESTINIAN ELECTIONS
|
2021
|
|
BAD COMPANY::
HOW DARK MONEY THREATENS SUDAN’S TRANSITION
|
2020
|
|
THE BATTLE FOR THE INDIAN OCEAN::
HOW THE EU AND INDIA CAN STRENGTHEN MARITIME SECURITY
|
2023
|
|
BEAR ANY BURDEN::
HOW EU GOVERNMENTS CAN MANAGE THE REFUGEE CRISIS
|
2016
|
|
THE BEST DEFENCE::
WHY THE EU SHOULD FORGE SECURITY COMPACTS WITH ITS EASTERN NEIGHBOURS
|
2020
|
|
BEYOND GLOBAL BRITAIN::
A REALISTIC FOREIGN POLICY FOR THE UK
|
2021
|
|
BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL::
WHY EUROPE SHOULD BRING ISIS FOREIGN FIGHTERS HOME
|
2019
|
|
BEYOND MERKELISM::
WHAT EUROPEANS EXPECT OF POST-ELECTION GERMANY
|
2021
|
|
BEYOND THE COUNTER-OFFENSIVE::
ATTRITION, STALEMATE, AND THE FUTURE OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE
|
2024
|
|
THE BIG ENGINE THAT MIGHT::
HOW FRANCE AND GERMANY CAN BUILD A GEOPOLITICAL EUROPE
|
2020
|
|
BIG IS BEAUTIFUL?:
STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISE MERGERS UNDER XI JINPING
|
2016
|
|
BLUE CHINA::
NAVIGATING THE MARITIME SILK ROAD TO EUROPE
|
2018
|
|
BORDER GAMES::
HAS SPAIN FOUND AN ANSWER TO THE POPULIST CHALLENGE ON MIGRATION?
|
2019
|
|
BORDERING ON CRISIS::
EUROPE, AFRICA, AND A NEW APPROACH TO CRISIS MANAGEMENT
|
2017
|
|
BOSNIA TO WAR, TO DAYTON, AND TO ITS SLOW PEACE
|
2021
|
|
BRACE YOURSELF::
HOW THE 2024 US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION COULD AFFECT EUROPE
|
2023
|
|
THE BREXIT PARENTHESIS::
THREE WAYS THE PANDEMIC IS CHANGING UK POLITICS
|
2020
|
|
BREXIT TO NOWHERE::
THE FOREIGN POLICY CONSEQUENCES OF ”OUT”
|
2015
|
|
BRINGING THE DESERT TOGETHER::
HOW TO ADVANCE SAHEL-MAGHREB INTEGRATION
|
2017
|
|
THE BRITISH PROBLEM AND WHAT IT MEANS FOR EUROPE
|
2015
|
|
BRITS ABROAD::
HOW BREXIT COULD HURT EXPATS
|
2016
|
|
BROKEN DREAM::
THE OLIGARCH, RUSSIA, AND GEORGIA’S DRIFT FROM EUROPE
|
2022
|
|
BUILDING EUROPEANS’ CAPACITY TO DEFEND THEMSELVES
|
2019
|
|
BUILDING SECURITY::
HOW EUROPEANS CAN HELP REFORM LIBYA
|
2022
|
|
BUILT TO ORDER::
HOW EUROPE CAN REBUILD MULTILATERALISM AFTER COVID-19
|
2021
|
|
BURNING AMBITION::
EGYPT’S RETURN TO REGIONAL LEADERSHIP AND HOW EUROPE SHOULD RESPOND
|
2021
|
|
BURSTING THE UN BUBBLE::
HOW TO COUNTER RUSSIA IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL
|
2015
|
|
BYTING BACK::
THE EU’S DIGITAL ALLIANCE WITH LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
|
2022
|
|
CAN ASSAD WIN THE PEACE?
|
2019
|
|
CAN EUROPE SAVE THE WORLD ORDER?
|
2018
|
|
CAN “PUTINOMICS” SURVIVE?
|
2015
|
|
CATCH-27::
THE CONTRADICTORY THINKING ABOUT ENLARGEMENT IN THE EU
|
2023
|
|
A CERTAIN IDEA OF EUROPE::
HOW THE NEXT FRENCH PRESIDENT CAN LEAD
|
2022
|
|
CHINA::
TAKING STOCK BEFORE THE PARIS CLIMATE CONFERENCE
|
2015
|
|
CHINA::
WAGING "LAWFARE" ON NGOS
|
2015
|
|
CHINA::
HITTING THE MIDDLE INCOME WALL
|
2015
|
|
CHINA 3.0
|
2012
|
|
CHINA AND BREXIT::
WHAT’S IN IT FOR US?
|
2016
|
|
CHINA AND RUSSIA::
GAMING THE WEST?
|
2016
|
|
CHINA AND THE MEDITERRANEAN::
OPEN FOR BUSINESS?
|
2017
|
|
CHINA AND UKRAINE::
THE CHINESE DEBATE ABOUT RUSSIA’S WAR AND ITS MEANING FOR THE WORLD
|
2023
|
|
CHINA AT THE GATES:
A NEW POWER AUDIT OF EU-CHINA RELATIONS
|
2017
|
|
THE CHINA DREAM GOES DIGITAL::
TECHNOLOGY IN THE AGE OF XI
|
2018
|
|
A CHINA RESET IN NORTHEAST ASIA
|
2015
|
|
CHINA, THE YUAN AND THE IMF::
DOUBLE OR QUITS?
|
2016
|
|
CHINA’S ECONOMIC DOWNTURN::
THE FACTS BEHIND THE MYTH
|
2015
|
|
CHINA’S GREAT GAME IN THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2019
|
|
CHINA'S INVESTMENT IN INFLUENCE::
THE FUTURE OF 16+1 COOPERATION
|
2016
|
|
CHINA’S MARKET ECONOMY STATUS AND THE EUROPEAN INTEREST
|
2016
|
|
CHINA’S “NEW ERA” WITH XI JINPING CHARACTERISTICS
|
2017
|
|
CIRCUIT BREAKERS::
SECURING EUROPE’S GREEN ENERGY SUPPLY CHAINS
|
2022
|
|
CIVIL WAR IN YEMEN::
IMMINENT AND AVOIDABLE
|
2015
|
|
CLEAR AND PRESIDENT DANGER::
DEMOCRACY AND THE CONSTITUTION IN TUNISIA
|
2022
|
|
CLIMATE OF COOPERATION::
HOW THE EU CAN HELP DELIVER A GREEN GRAND BARGAIN
|
2021
|
|
CLIMATE SUPERPOWERS::
HOW THE EU AND CHINA CAN COMPETE AND COOPERATE FOR A GREEN FUTURE
|
2020
|
|
COLD WINTER::
HOW THE EU CAN HELP MOLDOVA SURVIVE RUSSIAN PRESSURE AND PROTECT ITS DEMOCRACY
|
2022
|
|
THE COMING CLASH::
WHY IRAN WILL DIVIDE EUROPE FROM THE UNITED STATES
|
2017
|
|
CONNECTIVITY WARS:
WHY MIGRATION, FINANCE AND TRADE ARE THE GEO-ECONOMIC BATTLEGROUNDS OF THE FUTURE
|
2016
|
|
CONTROLLING CHAOS::
HOW RUSSIA MANAGES ITS POLITICAL WAR IN EUROPE
|
2017
|
|
CRIMINTERN::
HOW THE KREMLIN USES RUSSIA’S CRIMINAL NETWORKS IN EUROPE
|
2017
|
|
CRISIS AND COHESION IN THE EU::
A TEN-YEAR REVIEW
|
2018
|
|
THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN POWER::
HOW EUROPEANS SEE BIDEN’S AMERICA
|
2021
|
|
CRISIS OF CONFIDENCE::
HOW EUROPEANS SEE THEIR PLACE IN THE WORLD
|
2021
|
|
THE CRISIS OF EUROPEAN SECURTIY::
WHAT EUROPEANS THINK ABOUT THE WAR IN UKRAINE
|
2022
|
|
A CRISIS OF ONE’S OWN::
THE POLITICS OF TRAUMA IN EUROPE’S ELECTION YEAR
|
2024
|
|
CRISIS PRESIDENCY::
HOW PORTUGUESE LEADERSHIP CAN GUIDE THE EU INTO THE POST-COVID ERA
|
2020
|
|
THE CRISIS THAT MADE THE EUROPEAN UNION::
EUROPEAN COHESION IN THE AGE OF COVID
|
2020
|
|
CULTURE CLASH::
RUSSIA, UKRAINE, AND THE FIGHT FOR THE EUROPEAN PUBLIC
|
2023
|
|
DANGER ON THE HIGH SEAS::
THE EAST ASIAN SECURITY CHALLENGE
|
2016
|
|
DARK MONEY POLITICS::
WHY EUROPE SHOULD JOIN BIDEN’S FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION
|
2021
|
|
DAYTON REVISITED::
BOSNIA’S PEACE DEAL 20 YEARS ON
|
2015
|
|
DEALS WITHOUT BORDERS::
EUROPE’S FOREIGN POLICY ON MIGRATION
|
2016
|
|
DECADE OF PATIENCE::
HOW CHINA BECAME A POWER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2021
|
|
DECARBONISATION NATIONS::
HOW EU CLIMATE DIPLOMACY CAN SAVE THE WORLD
|
2023
|
|
DECIPHERING ALGERIA::
THE STIRRINGS OF REFORM?
|
2015
|
|
DEFEND. RESIST. REPEAT::
UKRAINE’S LESSONS FOR EUROPEAN DEFENCE
|
2022
|
|
DEFENDER OF THE FAITH?:
HOW UKRAINE’S ORTHODOX SPLIT THREATENS RUSSIA
|
2019
|
|
DEFENDING EUROPE’S ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY::
NEW WAYS TO RESIST ECONOMIC COERCION
|
2020
|
|
Democratic defence::
How Italy can lead the fight against Russian disinformation
|
2023
|
|
DEMONSTRATION EFFECTS::
HOW THE HIRAK PROTEST MOVEMENT IS RESHAPING ALGERIAN POLITICS
|
2020
|
|
DIGITAL STABILITY::
HOW TECHNOLOGY CAN EMPOWER FUTURE GENERATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2020
|
|
DISCIPLINE AND PUNISH::
PARTY POWER UNDER XI
|
2017
|
|
THE DISCREET CHARM OF HYPOCRISY:
AN EU-TURKEY POWER AUDIT
|
2018
|
|
DISORDER FROM CHAOS::
WHY EUROPEANS FAIL TO PROMOTE STABILITY IN THE SAHEL
|
2020
|
|
THE DISPLACEMENT DILEMMA::
SHOULD EUROPE HELP SYRIAN REFUGEES RETURN HOME?
|
2019
|
|
DIVIDED AT THE CENTRE::
GERMANY, POLAND, AND THE TROUBLES OF THE TRUMP ERA
|
2018
|
|
DO THE WESTERN BALKANS FACE A COMING RUSSIAN STORM?
|
2018
|
|
DON’T CLOSE BORDERS, MANAGE THEM::
HOW TO IMPROVE EU POLICY ON MIGRATION THROUGH LIBYA
|
2017
|
|
EARLY WARNING::
HOW IRAQ CAN ADAPT TO CLIMATE CHANGE
|
2022
|
|
EGYPT ON THE EDGE::
HOW EUROPE CAN AVOID ANOTHER CRISIS IN EGYPT
|
2017
|
|
EMPOWERING EU MEMBER STATES WITH STRATEGIC SOVEREIGNTY
|
2019
|
|
THE END OF OSLO::
A NEW EUROPEAN STRATEGY ON ISRAEL-PALESTINE
|
2020
|
|
ENDS OF THE EARTH::
HOW EU CLIMATE ACTION CAN WEATHER THE COMING ELECTION STORM
|
2023
|
|
ENERGISING EASTERN EUROPE::
HOW THE EU CAN ENHANCE ENERGY SOVEREIGNTY THROUGH COOPERATION WITH UKRAINE AND MOLDOVA
|
2024
|
|
ENGAGING WITH IRAN::
A EUROPEAN AGENDA
|
2015
|
|
ETERNALLY DISPLACED::
AFGHANISTAN’S REFUGEE CRISIS AND WHAT IT MEANS FOR EUROPE
|
2016
|
|
EU DIFFERENTIATION AND ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS
|
2015
|
|
EU DIFFERENTIATION AND THE PUSH FOR PEACE IN ISRAEL-PALESTINE
|
2016
|
|
EUROPE AND ITS DISCONTENTS::
POLAND’S COLLISION COURSE WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION
|
2017
|
|
EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY SCORECARD 2015
|
2015
|
|
EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY SCORECARD 2016
|
2016
|
|
THE EUROPEAN INTEREST IN AN INVESTMENT TREATY WITH CHINA
|
2015
|
|
EUROPE’S DIGITAL POWER::
FROM GEO-ECONOMICS TO CYBERSECURITY
|
2017
|
|
EUROPE’S DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY::
FROM RULEMAKER TO SUPERPOWER IN THE AGE OF US-CHINA RIVALRY
|
2020
|
|
EUROPE’S GREEN MOMENT::
HOW TO MEET THE CLIMATE CHALLENGE
|
2021
|
|
EUROPE’S INVISIBLE DIVIDES::
HOW COVID-19 IS POLARISING EUROPEAN POLITICS
|
2021
|
|
EUROPE’S NEIGHBOURHOOD::
CRISIS AS THE NEW NORMAL
|
2015
|
|
EUROPE’S NEW COUNTER-TERROR WARS
|
2016
|
|
EUROPE’S PANDEMIC POLITICS::
HOW THE VIRUS HAS CHANGED THE PUBLIC’S WORLDVIEW
|
2020
|
|
THE EVERYDAY AND THE EXISTENTIAL::
HOW CLINTON AND TRUMP CHALLENGE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS
|
2016
|
|
THE EVOLUTION OF US STRATEGIC PRIORITIES
|
2021
|
|
EXPLAINING CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY RESET
|
2015
|
|
EXPLORING EU COALITIONS
|
2017
|
|
FALSE MOVES::
MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT AID
|
2019
|
|
FALTERING FIGHTBACK::
ZELENSKY’S PIECEMEAL CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINE’S OLIGARCHS
|
2021
|
|
Fear and loathing on the New Silk Road::
Chinese security in Afghanistan and beyond
|
2018
|
|
FEELING THE CHILL::
NAVIGATING ARCTIC GOVERNANCE AMID RUSSIA’S WAR ON UKRAINE
|
2023
|
|
FELLOW TRAVELLERS::
RUSSIA, ANTI-WESTERNISM, AND EUROPE’S POLITICAL PARTIES
|
2017
|
|
FISH AND SHIPS::
CHINESE FISHING AND EUROPE’S INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY
|
2021
|
|
FIVE YEARS ON:
A NEW EUROPEAN AGENDA FOR NORTH AFRICA
|
2016
|
|
A FLAMMABLE PEACE::
WHY GAS DEALS WON’T END CONFLICT IN THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2017
|
|
FRAGILE UNITY::
WHY EUROPEANS ARE COMING TOGETHER ON UKRAINE (AND WHAT MIGHT DRIVE THEM APART)
|
2023
|
|
FRAGMENTATION NATION::
HOW EUROPEANS CAN HELP END THE CONFLICT IN YEMEN
|
2022
|
|
FREE TO CHOOSE::
A NEW PLAN FOR PEACE IN WESTERN SAHARA
|
2021
|
|
A FRESH START FOR TTIP
|
2015
|
|
FROM AID TO INCLUSION::
A BETTER WAY TO HELP SYRIAN REFUGEES IN TURKEY, LEBANON, AND JORDAN
|
2023
|
|
FROM COAL TO CONSENSUS::
POLAND’S ENERGY TRANSITION AND ITS EUROPEAN FUTURE
|
2023
|
|
FROM MYTH TO REALITY::
HOW TO UNDERSTAND TURKEY’S ROLE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2019
|
|
FROM PLAYTHING TO PLAYER::
HOW EUROPE CAN STAND UP FOR ITSELF IN THE NEXT FIVE YEARS
|
2019
|
|
FROM RUSSIA WITH LOVE::
HOW MOSCOW COURTS THE GLOBAL SOUTH
|
2023
|
|
FROM SANCTIONS TO SUMMITS::
BELARUS AFTER THE UKRAINE CRISIS
|
2015
|
|
FROM SHOCK AND AWE TO STABILITY AND FLAWS::
IRAQ’S POST-INVASION JOURNEY
|
2023
|
|
GATEWAY TO GROWTH::
HOW THE EUROPEAN GREEN DEAL CAN STRENGTHEN AFRICA’S AND EUROPE’S ECONOMIES
|
2022
|
|
GAZA’S FRAGILE CALM::
THE SEARCH FOR LASTING STABILITY
|
2018
|
|
THE GEOPOLITICS OF TECHNOLOGY::
HOW THE EU CAN BECOME A GLOBAL PLAYER
|
2022
|
|
THE GEOPOLITICS OF THE EUROPEAN GREEN DEAL
|
2021
|
|
GEO-TECH POLITICS::
WHY TECHNOLOGY SHAPES EUROPEAN POWER
|
2021
|
|
GERMANY VOTES::
EUROPEAN DILEMMAS IN THE FEDERAL ELECTION
|
2017
|
|
GIVE THE PEOPLE WHAT THEY WANT::
POPULAR DEMAND FOR A STRONG EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY
|
2019
|
|
THE GOOD, THE BAD, AND THE GÜLENISTS::
THE ROLE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN TURKEY’S COUP ATTEMPT
|
2016
|
|
GOVERNING THE WEB
|
2015
|
|
GRAND DESIGNS::
DOES CHINA HAVE A 'GRAND STRATEGY'?
|
2017
|
|
THE GREAT UNRAVELLING::
FOUR DOOMSDAY SCENARIOS FOR EUROPE’S RUSSIA POLICY
|
2017
|
|
GREEN PEACE::
HOW EUROPE’S CLIMATE POLICY CAN SURVIVE THE WAR IN UKRAINE
|
2022
|
|
GUARDING THE GUARDIANS::
UKRAINE’S SECURITY AND JUDICIAL REFORMS UNDER ZELENSKY
|
2019
|
|
A GULF APART::
HOW EUROPE CAN GAIN INFLUENCE WITH THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL
|
2020
|
|
THE GULF BETWEEN THEM::
WHAT GULF COUNTRIES CAN LEARN FROM IRAN’S APPROACH TO IRAQ
|
2021
|
|
GULF OF DIFFERENCE::
HOW EUROPE CAN GET THE GULF MONARCHIES TO PURSUE PEACE WITH IRAN
|
2020
|
|
HALTING AMBITION::
EU MIGRATION AND SECURITY POLICY IN THE SAHEL
|
2018
|
|
HARNESSING ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
|
2019
|
|
HEALTH OF NATIONS::
HOW EUROPE CAN FIGHT FUTURE PANDEMICS
|
2022
|
|
HEALTH SOVEREIGNTY::
HOW TO BUILD A RESILIENT EUROPEAN RESPONSE TO PANDEMICS
|
2020
|
|
HEAVY METAL DIPLOMACY::
RUSSIA’S POLITICAL USE OF ITS MILITARY IN EUROPE SINCE 2014
|
2016
|
|
HEDGE POLITICS::
TURKEY’S SEARCH FOR BALANCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2022
|
|
HOME ADVANTAGE::
HOW CHINA’S PROTECTED MARKET THREATENS EUROPE’S ECONOMIC POWER
|
2021
|
|
HOSTAGE STATE::
HOW TO FREE BOSNIA FROM DAYTONʼS PARALYSING GRIP
|
2020
|
|
HOUSE IN DISORDER::
HOW EUROPEANS CAN HELP PALESTINIANS FIX THEIR POLITICAL SYSTEM
|
2023
|
|
HOW BRITAIN SHOULD RESPOND TO CHEMICAL WEAPONS ATTACKS IN SYRIA
|
2017
|
|
HOW DO ASIANS SEE THEIR FUTURE?
|
2015
|
|
HOW EUROPE CAN REBUILD MULTILATERALISM AFTER COVID-19
|
2021
|
|
HOW TO GOVERN A FRAGMENTED EU::
WHAT EUROPEANS SAID AT THE BALLOT BOX
|
2019
|
|
HOW TO PREVENT GERMANY FROM BECOMING EUROSCEPTIC
|
2021
|
|
A HUNDRED THINK TANKS BLOOM IN CHINA
|
2016
|
|
IN EUROPE’S DEFENCE::
WHY THE EU NEEDS A SECURITY COMPACT WITH UKRAINE
|
2022
|
|
IN SICKNESS AND IN HEALTH::
EUROPEAN COOPERATION DURING THE CORONAVIRUS CRISIS
|
2020
|
|
INDEPENDENCE PLAY::
EUROPE’S PURSUIT OF STRATEGIC AUTONOMY
|
2019
|
|
INFLUENCE BY DEFAULT::
EUROPE’S IMPACT ON MILITARY SECURITY IN EAST ASIA
|
2017
|
|
THE INSTINCTIVE MULTILATERALIST::
PORTUGAL AND THE POLITICS OF COOPERATION
|
2019
|
|
INTERVENING BETTER::
EUROPE’S SECOND CHANCE IN LIBYA
|
2016
|
|
INTO AFRICA::
CHINA’S GLOBAL SECURITY SHIFT
|
2016
|
|
THE INVISIBLE WEB:
FROM INTERACTION TO COALITION-BUILDING IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
|
2017
|
|
IRON NET::
DIGITAL REPRESSION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
|
2022
|
|
THE ISLAMIC STATE THROUGH THE REGIONAL LENS
|
2015
|
|
Israel/Palestine::
Two-State Stress Test
|
2013
|
|
ISRAEL’S UNLAWFULLY PROLONGED OCCUPATION::
CONSEQUENCES UNDER AN INTEGRATED LEGAL FRAMEWORK
|
2017
|
|
IT’S COMPLICATED::
RUSSIA’S TRICKY RELATIONSHIP WITH CHINA
|
2021
|
|
KEEPING AMERICA CLOSE, RUSSIA DOWN, AND CHINA FAR AWAY::
HOW EUROPEANS NAVIGATE A COMPETITIVE WORLD
|
2023
|
|
KEEPING EUROPE SAFE AFTER BREXIT
|
2018
|
|
KEEPING EUROPEANS TOGETHER:
ASSESSING THE STATE OF EU COHESION
|
2016
|
|
KEEPING THE LIGHTS ON::
THE EU’S ENERGY RELATIONSHIPS SINCE RUSSIA’S INVASION OF UKRAINE
|
2023
|
|
KEEPING UP APPEARANCES::
HOW EUROPE IS SUPPORTING UKRAINE’S TRANSFORMATION
|
2016
|
|
KINGMAKERS OF THE MAINSTREAM::
PREDICTIONS FOR THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTION
|
2019
|
|
THE LAST OF THE OFFENDED::
RUSSIA’S FIRST POST-PUTIN DIPLOMATS
|
2019
|
|
LEADING FROM THE CENTRE::
GERMANY’S NEW ROLE IN EUROPE
|
2016
|
|
LESSONS FROM BELARUS::
HOW THE EU CAN SUPPORT CLEAN ELECTIONS IN MOLDOVA AND GEORGIA
|
2020
|
|
LET A THOUSAND CONTACTS BLOOM::
HOW CHINA COMPETES FOR INFLUENCE IN BULGARIA
|
2022
|
|
L’EUROPE QUI PROTÈGE::
CONCEIVING THE NEXT EUROPEAN UNION
|
2017
|
|
LIBYA’S GLOBAL CIVIL WAR
|
2019
|
|
LIBYA’S MIGRANT-SMUGGLING HIGHWAY::
LESSONS FOR EUROPE
|
2015
|
|
LUCK LIKE THE IRISH::
HOW EMIGRATION CAN BE GOOD FOR THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2019
|
|
MACHINE POLITICS::
EUROPE AND THE AI REVOLUTION
|
2019
|
|
THE MAGHREB MAZE::
HARMONISING DIVERGENT EUROPEAN POLICIES IN NORTH AFRICA
|
2024
|
|
MAKING SENSE OF EUROPE’S COHESION CHALLENGE
|
2016
|
|
MAPPING AFRICAN REGIONAL COOPERATION::
HOW TO NAVIGATE AFRICAʼS INSTITUTIONAL LANDSCAPE
|
2020
|
|
THE MARIB PARADOX::
HOW ONE PROVINCE SUCCEEDS IN THE MIDST OF YEMEN’S WAR
|
2018
|
|
THE MEANING OF SYSTEMIC RIVALRY::
EUROPE AND CHINA BEYOND THE PANDEMIC
|
2020
|
|
MEASURED RESPONSE::
HOW TO DESIGN A EUROPEAN INSTRUMENT AGAINST ECONOMIC COERCION
|
2021
|
|
MEETING THE CHALLENGE OF SECONDARY SANCTIONS
|
2019
|
|
MOVING CLOSER::
EUROPEAN VIEWS OF THE INDO-PACIFIC
|
2021
|
|
MULTILATERAL DEVELOPMENT IN FLUX::
STRENGTHENING EUROPEAN COOPERATION WITH THE GLOBAL SOUTH
|
2023
|
|
NETWORK EFFECTS::
EUROPE’S DIGITAL SOVEREIGNTY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN
|
2021
|
|
NETWORKS OF IMPUNITY::
CORRUPTION AND EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY
|
2020
|
|
THE NEW CHINA CONSENSUS::
HOW EUROPE IS GROWING WARY OF BEIJING
|
2020
|
|
A NEW CLIMATE FOR PEACE::
HOW EUROPE CAN PROMOTE ENVIRONMENTAL COOPERATION BETWEEN THE GULF ARAB STATES AND IRAN
|
2022
|
|
NEW ENERGIES::
HOW THE EUROPEAN GREEN DEAL CAN BRING TURKEY AND THE EU TOGETHER
|
2021
|
|
A NEW GAZA::
TURKEY’S BORDER POLICY IN NORTHERN SYRIA
|
2020
|
|
A NEW POLITICAL MAP::
GETTING THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTION RIGHT
|
2024
|
|
THE NEW POWER COUPLE::
RUSSIA AND IRAN IN THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2016
|
|
A NEW TRANSATLANTIC BARGAIN::
AN ACTION PLAN FOR TRANSFORMATION, NOT RESTORATION
|
2020
|
|
THE NEXT WAR::
HOW RUSSIAN HYBRID AGGRESSION COULD THREATEN MOLDOVA
|
2022
|
|
THE NIGHTMARE OF THE DARK:
THE SECURITY FEARS THAT KEEP EUROPEANS AWAKE AT NIGHT
|
2018
|
|
NO GOING BACK::
WHY DECENTRALISATION IS THE FUTURE FOR SYRIA
|
2016
|
|
NO MIDDLE GROUND::
MOVING ON FROM THE CRYPTO WARS
|
2018
|
|
NORTH AFRICAN STANDOFF::
HOW THE WESTERN SAHARA CONFLICT IS FUELLING NEW TENSIONS BETWEEN MOROCCO AND ALGERIA
|
2022
|
|
NOT SMART ENOUGH::
THE POVERTY OF EUROPEAN MILITARY THINKING ON ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
|
2019
|
|
OCCUPATION AND SOVEREIGNTY::
RENEWING EU POLICY IN ISRAEL-PALESTINE
|
2017
|
|
THE OLD IS DYING AND THE NEW CANNOT BE BORN::
A POWER AUDIT OF EU-RUSSIA RELATIONS
|
2022
|
|
"ONE BELT, ONE ROAD"::
CHINA'S GREAT LEAP OUTWARD
|
2015
|
|
ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF BRITISH SOLITUDE::
MAGICAL THINKING ABOUT BREXIT AND SECURITY
|
2016
|
|
OPENING THE GLOBAL GATEWAY::
WHY THE EU SHOULD INVEST MORE IN THE SOUTHERN NEIGHBOURHOOD
|
2023
|
|
OPPORTUNITIES AMID DISORDER::
EUROPE AND THE WORLD IN 2018
|
2017
|
|
ORDER FROM CHAOS::
STABILISING LIBYA THE LOCAL WAY
|
2018
|
|
PARADOX OF POWER::
RUSSIA, ARMENIA, AND EUROPE AFTER THE VELVET REVOLUTION
|
2019
|
|
PARTNERS FOR LIFE::
EUROPE’S UNANSWERED ‘EASTERN QUESTION’
|
2017
|
|
PARTNERSHIP FOR ENLARGEMENT::
A NEW WAY TO INTEGRATE UKRAINE AND THE EU’S EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD
|
2022
|
|
THE PATH TO RECOGNITION::
KOSOVO’S AND SERBIA’S EVOLVING DIALOGUE
|
2021
|
|
PAYING THE PRICE::
THE COST OF EUROPE’S REFUGEE CRISIS
|
2016
|
|
PEACE VERSUS JUSTICE::
THE COMING EUROPEAN SPLIT OVER THE WAR IN UKRAINE
|
2022
|
|
PEOPLE BEFORE POLITICIANS::
HOW EUROPEANS CAN HELP REBUILD LEBANON
|
2021
|
|
PERIPHERAL VISION::
HOW EUROPE CAN HELP PRESERVE TUNISIA’S FRAGILE DEMOCRACY
|
2017
|
|
PIPELINES AND PIPEDREAMS:
HOW THE EU CAN SUPPORT A REGIONAL GAS HUB IN THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN
|
2017
|
|
POLAND AND EUROPEAN DEFENCE INTEGRATION
|
2018
|
|
THE POST-CORONAVIRUS WORLD IS ALREADY HERE
|
2020
|
|
POST-NUCLEAR::
THE FUTURE FOR IRAN IN ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD
|
2014
|
|
POWER COUPLE::
HOW EUROPE AND ALGERIA CAN MOVE BEYOND ENERGY COOPERATION
|
2023
|
|
THE POWER OF CONTROL::
HOW THE EU CAN SHAPE THE NEW ERA OF STRATEGIC EXPORT RESTRICTIONS
|
2023
|
|
THE POWER OF PERSPECTIVE::
WHY EU MEMBERSHIP STILL MATTERS IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2020
|
|
POWER PLAY::
EUROPE’S CLIMATE DIPLOMACY IN THE GULF
|
2021
|
|
POWER SURGE::
HOW THE EUROPEAN GREEN DEAL CAN SUCCEED IN MOROCCO AND TUNISIA
|
2021
|
|
PRE-EMPTING DEFEAT::
IN SEARCH OF NORTH KOREA’S NUCLEAR DOCTRINE
|
2017
|
|
PRESIDÊNCIA DE CRISE::
COMO A LIDERANÇA PORTUGUESA PODE GUIAR A UE NA ERA PÓS-COVID
|
2020
|
|
PRINCIPLED PRAGMATISM::
EUROPE’S PLACE IN A MULTIPOLAR MIDDLE EAST
|
2022
|
|
A PROBLEM SHARED::
RUSSIA AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF EUROPE’S EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD
|
2020
|
|
PROMOTING EUROPEAN STRATEGIC SOVEREIGNTY IN ASIA
|
2020
|
|
PROMOTING EUROPEAN STRATEGIC SOVEREIGNTY IN THE EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD
|
2020
|
|
PROMOTING EUROPEAN STRATEGIC SOVEREIGNTY IN THE SOUTHERN NEIGHBOURHOOD
|
2020
|
|
PROTECTING EUROPE AGAINST HYBRID THREATS
|
2019
|
|
PUSH BACK, CONTAIN, AND ENGAGE::
HOW THE EU SHOULD APPROACH RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA
|
2021
|
|
PUSHING THE BOUNDARIES::
HOW TO CREATE MORE EFFECTIVE MIGRATION COOPERATION ACROSS THE MEDITERRANEAN
|
2019
|
|
PUTIN’S DOWNFALL::
THE COMING CRISIS OF THE RUSSIAN REGIME
|
2016
|
|
PUTIN’S HYDRA::
INSIDE RUSSIA’S INTELLIGENCE SERVICES
|
2016
|
|
A QUESTION OF BALANCE::
INDIA AND EUROPE AFTER RUSSIA’S INVASION OF UKRAINE
|
2022
|
|
REDEFINING EUROPE’S ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY
|
2019
|
|
REFORM FROM CRISIS::
HOW TUNISIA CAN USE COVID-19 AS AN OPPORTUNITY
|
2020
|
|
REFORMATION NATION::
WARTIME POLITICS IN UKRAINE
|
2023
|
|
RENEWABLE RELATIONS::
A STRATEGIC APPROACH TO EUROPEAN ENERGY COOPERATION WITH THE GULF STATES
|
2023
|
|
RESCUING MULTILATERALISM
|
2019
|
|
RESPONDING TO AN ASSERTIVE GULF
|
2015
|
|
RETHINKING OSLO::
HOW EUROPE CAN PROMOTE PEACE IN ISRAEL-PALESTINE
|
2017
|
|
A RETURN TO AFRICA::
WHY NORTH AFRICAN STATES ARE LOOKING SOUTH
|
2020
|
|
RETURN TO INSTABILITY::
HOW MIGRATION AND GREAT POWER POLITICS THREATEN THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2016
|
|
REVIVING THE REVOLUTIONARIES::
HOW TRUMP’S MAXIMUM PRESSURE IS SHIFTING IRAN’S DOMESTIC POLITICS
|
2020
|
|
THE ROAD BACK TO EUROPEAN POWER
|
2015
|
|
ROAD TO NOWHERE::
WHY EUROPE’S BORDER EXTERNALISATION IS A DEAD END
|
2023
|
|
ROME’S MOMENT::
DRAGHI, MULTILATERALISM, AND ITALY’S NEW STRATEGY
|
2021
|
|
RUSSIA 2030::
A STORY OF GREAT POWER DREAMS AND SMALL VICTORIOUS WARS
|
2016
|
|
RUSSIA’S QUIET MILITARY REVOLUTION, AND WTHAT IT MEANS FOR EUROPE
|
2015
|
|
RUSSIAʹS RELATIVE RESILIENCE::
WHY PUTIN FEELS VINDICATED BY THE PANDEMIC
|
2020
|
|
SACRED STRUGGLES::
HOW ISLAM SHAPES POLITICS IN MALI
|
2019
|
|
SAUDI FIRST::
HOW HYPER-NATIONALISM IS TRANSFORMING SAUDI ARABIA
|
2019
|
|
SEPARATION ANXIETY::
EUROPEAN INFLUENCE AT THE UN AFTER BREXIT
|
2018
|
|
SHARED FORTUNES::
WHY BRITAIN, THE EUROPEAN UNION, AND AFRICA NEED ONE ANOTHER
|
2022
|
|
A SHARP RIGHT TURN::
A FORECAST FOR THE 2024 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS
|
2024
|
|
SO FAR FROM GOD, SO CLOSE TO RUSSIA::
BELARUS AND THE ZAPAD MILITARY EXERCISES
|
2017
|
|
SOCIETY MAX::
HOW EUROPE CAN HELP SYRIANS SURVIVE ASSAD AND CORONAVIRUS
|
2020
|
|
A ”SOFT ALLIANCE”?:
RUSSIA-CHINA RELATIONS AFTER THE UKRAINE CRISIS
|
2015
|
|
THE SOUTHERN FRONT LINE::
EU COUNTER-TERRORISM COOPERATION WITH TUNISIA AND MOROCCO
|
2018
|
|
SOVEREIGN EUROPE, DANGEROUS WORLD::
FIVE AGENDAS TO PROTECT EUROPEʹS CAPACITY TO ACT
|
2020
|
|
SPOILER ALERT::
HOW EUROPE CAN SAVE DIPLOMACY IN LIBYA
|
2021
|
|
STEPPE CHANGE::
HOW RUSSIA’S WAR ON UKRAINE IS RESHAPING KAZAKHSTAN
|
2023
|
|
STRATEGIC INTERDEPENDENCE::
EUROPE’S NEW APPROACH IN A WORLD OF MIDDLE POWERS
|
2023
|
|
SUNNY SIDE UP::
MAXIMISING THE EUROPEAN GREEN DEAL’S POTENTIAL FOR NORTH AFRICA AND EUROPE
|
2022
|
|
SURVEILLANCE, PRIVACY, AND SECURITY::
EUROPE’S CONFUSED RESPONSE TO SNOWDEN
|
2015
|
|
SURVIVAL OF THE RICHEST::
HOW OLIGARCHS BLOCK REFORM IN UKRAINE
|
2016
|
|
SURVIVE AND THRIVE::
A EUROPEAN PLAN TO SUPPORT UKRAINE IN THE LONG WAR AGAINST RUSSIA
|
2022
|
|
SUSTAIN AND PROSPER::
HOW EUROPEANS CAN SUPPORT UKRAINE
|
2023
|
|
SYRIAN DIPLOMACY RENEWED::
FROM VIENNA TO RAQQA
|
2015
|
|
TAIWAN BETWEEN XI AND TRUMP
|
2017
|
|
TALKING TO THE HOUTHIS::
HOW EUROPEANS CAN PROMOTE PEACE IN YEMEN
|
2020
|
|
TERROR OVERSEAS::
UNDERSTANDING CHINA’S EVOLVING COUNTER-TERROR STRATEGY
|
2016
|
|
TESTING THE WATER::
HOW WATER SCARCITY COULD DESTABILISE THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
|
2018
|
|
THREE CRISES AND AN OPPORTUNITY::
EUROPE’S STAKE IN MULTILATERALISM
|
2019
|
|
TIME'S UP::
CHINA'S COMING BATTLE FOR MARKET ECONOMY STATUS
|
2016
|
|
TO END A WAR::
EUROPE’S ROLE IN BRINGING PEACE TO SYRIA
|
2017
|
|
TOGETHER IN TRAUMA::
EUROPEANS AND THE WORLD AFTER COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
TORN BETWEEN TWO ALLIES::
HOW EUROPEANS CAN REDUCE IRAQI DEPENDENCE ON IRAN AND THE US
|
2020
|
|
TOUGH TRADE::
THE HIDDEN COSTS OF ECONOMIC COERCION
|
2022
|
|
THE TRANSATLANTIC MEANING OF DONALD TRUMP::
A US-EU POWER AUDIT
|
2017
|
|
THE TRANSFORMATIVE FIVE::
A NEW ROLE FOR THE FRUGAL STATES AFTER THE EU RECOVERY DEAL
|
2020
|
|
TRICKS OF THE TRADE::
STRENGTHENING EU-AFRICAN COOPERATION ON TRADE IN SERVICES
|
2023
|
|
TROUBLE ON THE TRACKS::
AVERTING THE TURKEY-EU “TRAIN-WRECK”
|
2016
|
|
THE TRUMP OPPORTUNITY::
CHINESE PERCEPTIONS OF THE US ADMINISTRATION
|
2018
|
|
TURKEY, THE KURDS, AND THE FIGHT AGAINST ISLAMIC STATE
|
2015
|
|
UNDER THE GUN::
REARMAMENT FOR ARMS CONTROL IN EUROPE
|
2018
|
|
THE UNITED NATIONS OF CHINA::
A VISION OF THE WORLD ORDER
|
2018
|
|
UNITED WEST, DIVIDED FROM THE REST::
GLOBAL PUBLIC OPINION ONE YEAR INTO RUSSIA’S WAR ON UKRAINE
|
2023
|
|
Untapped potential::
How new alliances can strengthen the EU
|
2019
|
|
USEFUL ENEMIES::
HOW THE TURKEY-UAE RIVALRY IS REMAKING THE MIDDLE EAST
|
2021
|
|
VIRAL VULNERABILITY::
HOW THE PANDEMIC IS MAKING DEMOCRACY SICK IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2020
|
|
WAR AND PIECES::
POLITICAL DIVIDES IN SOUTHERN YEMEN
|
2020
|
|
THE WAR NEXT DOOR::
SYRIA AND THE EROSION OF STABILITY IN LEBANON, JORDAN AND TURKEY
|
2016
|
|
WARS AND ELECTIONS::
HOW EUROPEAN LEADERS CAN MAINTAIN PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE
|
2024
|
|
WAVES OF AMBITION::
RUSSIA’S MILITARY BUILD-UP IN CRIMEA AND THE BLACK SEA
|
2021
|
|
THE WAY BACK::
BRAIN DRAIN AND PROSPERITY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2018
|
|
WE’LL ALWAYS HAVE PARIS::
HOW TO ADAPT MULTILATERAL CLIMATE COOPERATION TO NEW REALITIES
|
2022
|
|
WHAT DOES INDIA THINK?
|
2015
|
|
WHAT DOES UKRAINE THINK?
|
2015
|
|
WHAT EUROPEANS REALLY FEEL::
THE BATTLE FOR THE POLITICAL SYSTEM
|
2019
|
|
WHAT EUROPEANS THINK ABOUT THE US-CHINA COLD WAR
|
2021
|
|
WHEN THE WEAPONS FALL SILENT::
RECONCILIATION IN SINJAR AFTER ISIS
|
2018
|
|
WHY EUROPE MUST STOP OUTSOURCING ITS SECURITY
|
2014
|
|
WINNING THE NORMATIVE WAR WITH RUSSIA:
AN EU-RUSSIA POWER AUDIT
|
2018
|
|
WITH FRIENDS LIKE THESE::
TURKEY, RUSSIA, AND THE END OF AN UNLIKELY ALLIANCE
|
2016
|
|
THE WORLD ACCORDING TO EUROPE’S INSURGENT PARTIES::
PUTIN, MIGRATION AND PEOPLE POWER
|
2016
|
|
XI'S ARMY::
REFORM AND LOYALTY IN THE PLA
|
2016
|
|
YEMEN’S FORGOTTEN WAR::
HOW EUROPE CAN LAY THE FOUNDATIONS FOR PEACE
|
2016
|
|
THE YOUNG AND THE RESTFUL::
WHY YOUNG GERMANS HAVE NO VISION FOR EUROPE
|
2018
|
|
THE YOUNG AND THE RESTLESS::
EUROPE, RUSSIA, AND THE NEXT GENERATION OF DIPLOMATS IN THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP
|
2021
|
|
YOUR INVESTMENT, OUR ECONOMY
|
2014
|
|
ZELENSKY UNCHAINED::
WHAT UKRAINE’S NEW POLITICAL ORDER MEANS FOR ITS FUTURE
|
2019
|