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The 2-Percent Objective and the Bundeswehr:
Discussion about the German Defence Budget
|
2018
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Adaptations Needed::
NATO Partnership Programmes in the 21st century
|
2019
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Air Power:
Credible deterrence and defence call for superior air forces. NATO has realised that.
|
2018
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Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State::
Objectives, Threat, Countermeasures
|
2016
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The America We Need
|
2015
|
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Artificial Intelligence in the Armed Forces:
On the need for regulation regarding autonomy in weapon systems
|
2018
|
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The Asymmetric War of ISIL:
Implications for Counter-Terrorism
|
2017
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Attack on the West:
What is the strategy of ISIL?
|
2016
|
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Autonomous or semi-autonomous weapons systems:
A potential new threat of terrorism?
|
2017
|
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A Backward Roll in Exports?:
The Coalition Agreement Does Not Solve Problems Concerning the Bundeswehr and the German Defence Industry
|
2018
|
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Belarus’s balancing act continues:
Minsk fends off the “Ukraine Option” again
|
2017
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Below the Radar:
The strategic significance of rare earths for the economic and military security of the West
|
2019
|
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The Berlin Process for the Western Balkans::
Four Recommendations to Achieve Progress
|
2022
|
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Brexit and British Defence Policy:
Not Business As Usual
|
2016
|
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Brexit negotiations in the field of defence:
Lessons learnt and moving forward
|
2018
|
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Can Turkey play the Shanghai card?:
China’s take on Ankara’s Eurasian security endeavours and what it means for Europe’s security architecture
|
2017
|
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The case for a coherent South Asia strategy:
No zero-sum choice between India and Pakistan
|
2018
|
|
A Change of Heart in Pakistan?:
New developments in counter-terrorism and shifting international influences in Pakistan
|
2018
|
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China’s March West:
Emergence in Central Asia and Afghanistan
|
2018
|
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Choosing your partners:
How strong is the partnership between China and Russia?
|
2016
|
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Commercial Project or Strategic Disorientation?:
The Controversial Nord Stream 2 Gas Pipeline
|
2018
|
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Commitments for NATO:
More Money for the Bundeswehr
|
2016
|
|
Cyprus:
Is one of the oldest conflicts about to be resolved?
|
2016
|
|
Deep Freeze::
Security and International Relations in the Arctic Following Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
A difficult reconstruction:
Perspectives of European Initiatives in Syria
|
2019
|
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Donald Trump: A Populist in the White House:
Background and Perspectives
|
2017
|
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Down but not out:
Is the end nigh for ISIL?
|
2018
|
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The End of Illusions:
Trump's North Korea Options
|
2017
|
|
A European Intelligence Service?:
Potentials and Limits of Intelligence Cooperation at EU Level
|
2017
|
|
A European-Asian Dialogue on Nuclear Deterrence::
German-Korean Nuclear Talks in Seoul
|
2018
|
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Europe’s Emergency — Now!
|
2020
|
|
A failed peace process?:
The rapprochement between Hamas and Fatah and the consequences of the announced relocation of the US Embassy
|
2018
|
|
Failed Statehood:
On the Causes of Upheaval and Conflict in the Middle East
|
2017
|
|
Five Misconceptions:
about the Putin System
|
2015
|
|
For a Europeanisation of Arms Export Controls:
More power for Brussels will lead to a stronger Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU
|
2018
|
|
Forward, Resilience! —:
Ideas on how to Strengthen Resilience in Germany
|
2017
|
|
The G20: Inclusivity and Legitimacy:
A Nordic Perspective
|
2017
|
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Germany and NATO’s Nuclear Deterrent
|
2021
|
|
Germany’s Enable & Enhance Initiative:
What is it about?
|
2016
|
|
Germany’s OSCE chairmanship 2016:
The need for “contagement”
|
2015
|
|
“Hybrid Threats”::
What Can We Learn From Russia?
|
2019
|
|
The INF Treaty::
Europe needs to act
|
2018
|
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The INF Treaty as a Cornerstone of Nuclear Arms Control — Doomed to Fail?
|
2017
|
|
Iran’s Destructive Regional Policy:
An Underrated Problem
|
2018
|
|
Is China Failing?:
Risks, Imponderables and Perspectives
|
2016
|
|
Is conscription a guarantee of national defense?:
Some remarks on the justification for reactivating conscription
|
2018
|
|
Is Every Soldier a Veteran?:
A Critical Analysis of the 2018 German Veteran Definition
|
2018
|
|
Is the West Circling the Wagons?:
On the strategic situation of Germany and its Allies
|
2017
|
|
A kingdom at a crossroads::
Saudi Arabia between opportunity and chaos
|
2018
|
|
The Kurds as Allies of the West in Syria and Iraq:
Effective Partnership or Political Powder Keg?
|
2017
|
|
Legal Regulations for Autonomous Weapon Systems::
Potentials and Limitations
|
2018
|
|
Libya — the next military operation with German participation?
|
2016
|
|
The Lisa Case:
STRATCOM Lessons for European states
|
2016
|
|
More realism and more imaginations::
Thoughts on Germany’s future China policy
|
2022
|
|
More security in cyber space::
The case for arms control
|
2017
|
|
Myths Surrounding the Two Percent Debate —:
on NATO defence spending
|
2019
|
|
The NATO Summit in Warsaw:
Seven messages to expect
|
2016
|
|
A New NATO Command in Germany:
Modelled on the Bundeswehr Joint Support Service
|
2018
|
|
A new quality of engagement:
Germany’s extended military operation in northern Mali
|
2015
|
|
Nobody builds walls better than me —:
US Policy towards Latin America under Donald Trump
|
2017
|
|
On the Way to a Common Strategic Culture:
How far along is the development of a European Security and Defence Union, and what does that mean for the Bundeswehr?
|
2018
|
|
Peace Will Not Come to Europe’s War:
Why Ukraine’s New President Zelensky will be Unable to Improve Relations with Russia
|
2019
|
|
The Prague Manual:
How to counter the Kremlin’s influence in Europe
|
2018
|
|
A Premature Obituary for ISIL:
The Mosul Offensive and its Potential Aftermath
|
2016
|
|
Preventing the “Islamic State” in Central Asia:
Conditions, risks and peace policy requirements
|
2016
|
|
Putin’s Weapons Show:
Just hot air from Moscow?
|
2018
|
|
Quo Vadis APSA?:
The Future of the African Peace and Security Architecture
|
2018
|
|
Recent Developments in US Energy Policy:
New independence for the US and increasing bloc formation in the Gulf region
|
2018
|
|
Refuge and migration:
Organisational, administrative and logistic challenges
|
2016
|
|
Reliability beyond Trump Tweets:
The US military contribution in Europe
|
2018
|
|
"Rich Country, Strong Army":
China's Comprehensive National Security
|
2018
|
|
Russia and Europe in 2030:
Conflict or cooperation?
|
2015
|
|
The Russian Challenge::
Its nature and the right response to it
|
2017
|
|
Russian National Identity and the Russia-Ukraine Crisis
|
2016
|
|
The Russian option::
Can Turkey forge an alliance with Russia?
|
2017
|
|
Russia’s Hybrid Warfare::
A Success in Propaganda
|
2015
|
|
Russia’s myths about NATO:
Moscow’s propaganda ahead of the NATO Summit
|
2016
|
|
Saudi Arabia and its 40 Allies:
What the Islamic Alliance really means
|
2016
|
|
The Second Generation Is the Deciding Factor:
Food for thought for a change of perspective on German immigration policy
|
2019
|
|
The South Caucasus in the Context of the EU-Russia Crisis
|
2017
|
|
Strategic Autonomy for Europe:
Can Berlin and Paris Agree?
|
2018
|
|
Strengthening EU Defence::
Much Ado About Nothing?
|
2017
|
|
Syrian Separation::
Why division is not the answer
|
2016
|
|
Total Defence:
How Germany should implement a whole-of-government national and collective defence
|
2018
|
|
The West in the Middle East:
A Realistic Analysis and Policy Priorities for a Region With Structurally Irresolvable Problems
|
2016
|
|
What future for Northern Iraq?:
The Kurdish dilemma and shifting spheres of influence in the region
|
2017
|
|
What is Resilience?:
Ambiguities of a Key Term
|
2016
|
|
What’s new on NATO’s Southern flank:
Security threats and the Alliance’s role after the Warsaw Summit
|
2016
|
|
Where is the Beef?:
Prospects of a closer German-British Security Partnership
|
2016
|
|
Who is encircling Whom?:
Security policy aspects of China’s relationship with Japan
|
2017
|
|
Why Vladimir Putin is Angry with the West:
Understanding the Drivers of Russia’s Information, Cyber and Hybrid War
|
2017
|