|
The 2023 Israeli–Palestinian War::
A Gift to China
|
2023
|
|
60 Jahre Antarktisvertrag::
Multilateralismus mit Zukunft
|
2019
|
|
Access to COVID-19 Vaccines and Medicines – a Global Public Good
|
2020
|
|
Ad Hoc Coalitions in a Changing Global Order
|
2022
|
|
Africa after the Covid-19 Lockdowns::
Economic Impacts and Prospects
|
2020
|
|
African States Must Localise Coronavirus Response
|
2020
|
|
Africa’s Marginal Role in Germany’s First National Security Strategy
|
2023
|
|
After Humanitarianism::
Bangladesh’s Evolving Rohingya Policy
|
2020
|
|
Ageing, Temporary Migrants::
Life beyond Retirement in Dubai
|
2021
|
|
Agua, democratización ambiental y fronteras extractivas en Colombia
|
2016
|
|
The ‘Ambivalence of the Sacred’ in Africa::
The Impact of Religion on Peace and Conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2008
|
|
The Ambivalent Role of Religion for Sustainable Development::
A Review of the Empirical Evidence
|
2017
|
|
Antimicrobial Resistance between Lack of Access and Excess
|
2020
|
|
The Anxious and the Climbers::
Ambivalent Attitudes towards Democracy among South Africa’s Middle Class
|
2017
|
|
The Arab Spring::
Misconceptions and Prospects
|
2016
|
|
Aramco Goes Public::
The Saudi Diversification Conundrum
|
2019
|
|
Are All Dictators Equal?:
The Selective Targeting of Democratic Sanctions against Authoritarian Regimes
|
2013
|
|
Assessing the Political and Social Impact of the COVID-19 Crisis in Latin America
|
2020
|
|
Assets, Shocks, and Poverty Traps in Rural Mozambique
|
2010
|
|
At Africa’s Expense?:
Disaggregating the Social Impact of Chinese Mining Operations
|
2017
|
|
Australia and New Zealand Face Up to China in the South Pacific
|
2020
|
|
Authoritarian Regime Learning::
Comparative Insights from the Arab Uprisings
|
2015
|
|
Bangladesh’s Upcoming Election::
A Litmus Test for Democracy
|
2023
|
|
“Because They Matter”::
Recognise Diversity—Globalise Research
|
2016
|
|
Beyond Justices:
The Legal Culture of Judges in Mexico
|
2020
|
|
Beyond the Model Reform Image::
Morocco’s Politics of Elite Co-Optation
|
2018
|
|
Biden’s Challenge::
Kurdish Autonomy and Turkish Expansionism
|
2021
|
|
The Bigger Picture::
Mali, Jihadism, and the Withdrawal of the West
|
2022
|
|
Blaming Nature::
Legitimising the Mismanagement of Natural Resources
|
2022
|
|
Bolivia’s New Constitution::
Towards Participatory Democracy and Political Pluralism?
|
2010
|
|
Bolstering the Bromances::
Turkey’s and Iran’s Tightening Ties with Africa
|
2022
|
|
The Brazilian Rise and the Elusive South American Balance
|
2015
|
|
Brazil’s Nuclear Policy From Technological Dependence to Civil Nuclear Power
|
2006
|
|
Breaking the “Insecurity Trap”?:
How Violence and Counter-violence are Perpetuated in Elite Power Struggles
|
2008
|
|
BRICS und IBSA::
Die Clubs der aufsteigenden Mächte verlieren an Glanz
|
2016
|
|
Bringing Afghan Women to the Table::
How to Negotiate with the Taliban
|
2022
|
|
Bringing Regional Politics to the Study of Security Sector Reform::
Army Reform in Sierra Leone and Iraq
|
2019
|
|
Broadening Horizons::
“Indo-Pacific” Maritime Politics beyond China
|
2019
|
|
Brotkorb und Konfliktherd – Landinvestitionen in der Republik Sudan
|
2018
|
|
Brutalisation as a Survival Strategy::
How the “Islamic State” is Prolonging Its Doomsday Battle
|
2016
|
|
Burma’s Transition to “Disciplined Democracy”::
Abdication or Institutionalization of Military Rule?
|
2011
|
|
Burundi vor den Wahlen::
Kontinuität statt Wandel
|
2020
|
|
Can Historical Institutionalism be Applied to Political Regime Development in Africa?
|
2011
|
|
Can the G20 Save Globalisation?
|
2017
|
|
Chile’s Constitutional Reform Process Rebooted
|
2022
|
|
China and Socialist Countries::
Role Change and Role Continuity
|
2014
|
|
China in the G20::
A Narrow Corridor for Sino–European Cooperation
|
2017
|
|
China, Japan and the Quest for Leadership in East Asia
|
2008
|
|
China’s Foreign Policy Think Tanks::
Changing Roles and Structural Conditions
|
2013
|
|
The Chinese Meaning of Just War and Its Impact on the Foreign Policy of the People’s Republic of China
|
2008
|
|
Chinese Perspectives on International Power Shifts and Sino-EU Relations (2008–2011)
|
2012
|
|
Civic Organizations in Vietnam’s One-Party State::
Supporters of Authoritarian Rule?
|
2013
|
|
Civil Society Work in China::
Trade-Offs and Opportunities for European NGOs
|
2018
|
|
Claimed Legitimacy::
Appreciating the Diversity of Regional Organisations
|
2021
|
|
Claims to Legitimacy Matter::
Why Sanctions Fail to Instigate Democratization in Authoritarian Regimes
|
2013
|
|
Coal vs Climate — Indonesia’s Energy Policy Contradicts Its Climate Goals
|
2020
|
|
Colombia::
Between the Dividends of Peace and the Shadow of Violence
|
2020
|
|
Competition and Cooperation::
India and China in the Global Climate Regime
|
2022
|
|
A Comprehensive Framework for Studying Migration Policies (and a Call to Observe Them beyond Immigration to the West)
|
2020
|
|
Conceptualising Regional Power in International Relations::
Lessons from the South African Case
|
2007
|
|
Conditions for Democratic Transitions::
Venezuela’s 2024 Elections
|
2024
|
|
Conflict Prevention through Natural Resource Management?:
A Comparative Study
|
2011
|
|
The Consequences of Appointment Policies for Court Legitimacy in Benin::
A Network Analysis Approach
|
2016
|
|
The Consequences of Failed Mediation in Civil Wars::
Assessing the Sri Lankan Case
|
2012
|
|
Constrained Potential::
A Characterisation of Mexican Microenterprises
|
2018
|
|
Construyendo Inseguridadse:
Aproximaciones a la violencia en Centroamérica desde el análisis del discurso
|
2006
|
|
Contained Uncertainty::
Turkey’s June 2018 Elections and Their Consequences
|
2018
|
|
Contestations over Indigenous Participation in Bolivia’s Extractive Industry::
Ideology, Practices, and Legal Norms
|
2014
|
|
Contested Cornerstones of Nonviolent National Self-Perception in Costa Rica::
A Historical Approach
|
2009
|
|
Contested Leadership in International Relations::
Power Politics in South America, South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2010
|
|
Contested Meanings of Corruption::
International and Local Narratives in the Case of Paraguay
|
2012
|
|
Context Matters – Rethinking the Resource Curse in Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2005
|
|
Contextualizing Conceptions of Corruption::
Challenges for the International Anti-corruption Campaign
|
2009
|
|
Contingent Democrats in Action::
Organized Labor and Regime Change in the Republic of Niger
|
2013
|
|
The Contradictory Logics of International Intervention
|
2018
|
|
Convergence, Divergence and a Complex Interplay::
Chile and the International and Transnational Anti-Corruption Campaign
|
2013
|
|
Converging Interests, Diverging Realities::
Arab League–EU Cooperation
|
2023
|
|
Corruption in the Middle East and the Limits of Conventional Approaches
|
2017
|
|
COVID-19 and Violent Actors in the Global South::
A Complex Relationship
|
2022
|
|
COVID-19 and Violent Actors in the Global South::
An Inter- and Cross-Regional Comparison
|
2022
|
|
COVID-19 en América Latina::
dónde estamos y qué está por venir
|
2021
|
|
COVID-19 in Latin America::
Where We Stand and What Is to Come
|
2021
|
|
COVID-19 in the Middle East and North Africa::
Reactions, Vulnerabilities, Prospects
|
2020
|
|
Creating a Regional Security Community in Southern Latin America::
The Institutionalisation of the Regional Defence and Security Policies
|
2005
|
|
Creating Multilevel Security Governance in South America
|
2009
|
|
Crises, Hegemony and Change in the International System::
A Conceptual Framework
|
2007
|
|
Crisis in the Andes::
The Rise (and Fall?) of Two Women Leaders
|
2023
|
|
Cuba’s New Social Structure::
Assessing the Re-Stratification of Cuban Society 60 Years after Revolution
|
2019
|
|
Culture and Collective Action – Japan, Germany and the United States after September 11, 2001
|
2005
|
|
The Culture of Fear and Control in Costa Rica (I)::
Crime Statistics and Law Enforcement
|
2009
|
|
The Culture of Fear and Control in Costa Rica (II)::
The Talk of Crime and Social Changes
|
2009
|
|
Cultures of Innovation of the African Poor:
Common Roots, Shared Traits, Joint Prospects? On the Articulation of Multiple Modernities in African Societies and Black Diasporas in Latin America
|
2006
|
|
Cutting Bread or Cutting Throats? – Findings from a New Database on Religion, Violence and Peace in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1990 to 2008
|
2011
|
|
Cybersanktionen::
Zunehmende Anwendung eines neuen Instruments
|
2021
|
|
Dangerous Alliances::
Populists and the Military
|
2020
|
|
Das Militär entscheidet über den Ausgang von Massenprotesten
|
2019
|
|
Democratizing Resource Governance through Prior Consultations?:
Lessons from Bolivia’s Hydrocarbon Sector
|
2012
|
|
Den Status quo verändern – Jugendliche als Friedensakteure
|
2018
|
|
The Denuclearisation of North Korea::
From Maximum Demands to Arms Control
|
2019
|
|
Developing a Contextually Relevant Concept of Regional Hegemony::
The Case of South Africa, Zimbabwe and “Quiet Diplomacy”
|
2008
|
|
Dezentralisierung in Marokko – hohe Erwartungen
|
2015
|
|
Die Agenda 2030::
Weniger als das Nötigste
|
2017
|
|
Die Bedeutung der Klimafinanzierung für den Pariser Klimagipfel 2015
|
2015
|
|
Die Neuvermessung der Welt und die deutsche Außenpolitik
|
2015
|
|
Die Rückkehr von Vertriebenen im Irak – Sicherheit alleine reicht nicht aus
|
2017
|
|
Die VAE::
vom Juniorpartner zur aufsteigenden Regionalmacht
|
2017
|
|
Digital Africa::
How Big Tech and African Startups Are Reshaping the Continent
|
2022
|
|
Digital Surveillance and the Threat to Civil Liberties in India
|
2021
|
|
Digitalisation and Labour Markets in Developing Countries
|
2023
|
|
Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador and Nicaragua::
National Patterns of Attention and Cross-border Discursive Nodes
|
2007
|
|
Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua::
Social Perceptions in Everyday Life
|
2008
|
|
Discourses on Violence in Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua::
Laws and the Construction of Drug- and Gender-Related Violence
|
2008
|
|
Do Associations Support Authoritarian Rule?:
Tentative Answers from Algeria, Mozambique, and Vietnam
|
2016
|
|
Do Qualitative Data Help in Addressing Central American Violence?:
Research Note on Data Collection
|
2008
|
|
Do Religious Factors Impact Armed Conflict?:
Empirical Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2011
|
|
Does Size Matter? The Productivity of Government: Expenditures and the Size of States::
Evidence from India
|
2016
|
|
Does Uranium Mining Increase Civil Conflict Risk?:
Evidence from a Spatiotemporal Analysis of Africa from 1945 to 2010
|
2012
|
|
Does Violence Pay?:
The Effect of Ethnic Rebellion on Overcoming Political Deprivation
|
2014
|
|
Domestic Explanations for War and Peace in Ukraine
|
2016
|
|
Domestic Security in the Maghreb::
Deficits and Counter-Measures
|
2012
|
|
Donald Trump und das außenpolitische Erbe von Barack Obama
|
2016
|
|
Doom and Gloom::
Leaving Erdoğan’s Turkey
|
2022
|
|
Doomed to Instability::
Israel’s West Bank Annexation Plan in a Turbulent Region
|
2020
|
|
“Dreams Don’t Come True in Eritrea”::
Anomie and Family Disintegration due to the Structural Militarization of Society
|
2010
|
|
Drivers of Strategic Contestation in South America
|
2012
|
|
Driving the Wheels of History::
The World after China’s 20th Party Congress
|
2022
|
|
Easier In Than Out::
The Protracted Process of Ending Sanctions
|
2019
|
|
The Effects of Energy Price Changes::
Heterogeneous Welfare Impacts, Energy Poverty, and CO2 Emissions in Indonesia
|
2017
|
|
The Effects of Regime Cooptation on the Geographical Distribution of Violence::
Evidence from the Syrian Civil War
|
2013
|
|
Elections in Ecuador::
An Emerging Alternative beyond the Left–Right Antagonism
|
2021
|
|
Electoral Rentierism?:
The Cross-National and Subnational Effect of Oil on Electoral Competitiveness in Multiparty Autocracies
|
2015
|
|
Empire, Hegemony, and Leadership::
Developing a Research Framework for the Study of Regional Powers
|
2008
|
|
The End of Apathy::
The New Africa Policy under Joe Biden
|
2021
|
|
Energy Transition in Japan::
From Consensus to Controversy
|
2019
|
|
The Eritrean Diaspora::
Savior or Gravedigger of the Regime? Diaspora Responses to the Imposition of UN Sanctions
|
2013
|
|
Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment::
Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
|
2008
|
|
Ethnic Party Bans in East Africa from a Comparative Perspective
|
2010
|
|
Ethnicity and Party Systems in Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2009
|
|
Ethnicity, Voter Alignment and Political Party Affiliation – an African Case::
Zambia
|
2007
|
|
The European Union::
A Model Under Pressure
|
2018
|
|
The European Union and Latin America::
Renewing the Partnership after Drifting Apart
|
2023
|
|
The European Union’s New Rival – China
|
2019
|
|
The EU’s Foreign Policy after the Fifth Enlargement::
Any Change in Its Taiwan Policy?
|
2007
|
|
The Evolution of Cleavages in the Indonesian Party System
|
2008
|
|
Ex oleo bellare?:
The Impact of Oil on the Outbreak of Militarized Interstate Disputes
|
2011
|
|
Executive Personalisation in the Time of COVID-19
|
2021
|
|
Explaining the Diffusion of Renewable Energy Technology in Developing Countries
|
2013
|
|
Exploding Crime?:
Topic Management in Central American Newspapers
|
2006
|
|
Facing the Stress Test::
Courts and Executives during the COVID-19 Pandemic
|
2022
|
|
Federalism and Foreign Direct Investment::
How Political Affiliation Determines the Spatial Distribution of FDI — Evidence from India
|
2017
|
|
Federalism in Times of Crisis::
Insights from India’s COVID-19 Response
|
2023
|
|
Fighting for a Kingdom of God?:
The Role of Religion in the Ivorian Crisis
|
2011
|
|
Finding the Cases that Fit::
Methodological Challenges in Peace Research
|
2012
|
|
Fleeing the Peace::
Emigration after Civil War
|
2016
|
|
Fleeing the Peace?:
Determinants of Outward Migration after Civil War
|
2016
|
|
Flüchtlingskrise?:
Über die flexible Verarbeitung des syrischen Flüchtlingszuzuges im Libanon
|
2016
|
|
A Force (Still) to Be Reckoned With::
The Military in African Politics
|
2020
|
|
Forced Migration in the Global South::
Reorienting the Debate
|
2018
|
|
Forced to Leave::
Determinants of Slow-Onset Displacement in Colombia
|
2019
|
|
Foreign Policy Think Tanks in India::
New Actors, Divergent Profiles
|
2018
|
|
The Formation of Preferences in Two-level Games::
An Analysis of India’s Domestic and Foreign Energy Policy
|
2010
|
|
Fragile States, Robust Structures::
Illegal Police Protection in Buenos Aires
|
2011
|
|
Fresh Wind Out of the South::
What to Expect from a Binding Nuclear Ban Treaty
|
2020
|
|
From Ending War to Building Peace - Lessons from Latin America
|
2022
|
|
From Honeymoon to Hangover::
Resetting Australia’s Relations with China
|
2018
|
|
From Military Instruments of Dictatorship to Political Instruments of Democracy::
Regimes of Exception in Bolivia 2000–2010
|
2013
|
|
From New to Normal::
Two Years after the Abraham Accords
|
2022
|
|
From Repression to Revolt::
Thailand’s 2020 Protests and the Regional Implications
|
2021
|
|
From Rivalry to Mutual Trust::
The Othering Process between Bolivia and Chile
|
2010
|
|
Fuel for Conflict or Balm for Peace?:
Assessing the Effects of Hydrocarbons on Peace Efforts in Algeria
|
2010
|
|
The Future of South Yemen and the Southern Transitional Council
|
2021
|
|
G20::
The Global South’s New Status-Seeking Platform?
|
2022
|
|
The G20 under Argentina’s Presidency::
Time to Deliver on the Hamburg Promises
|
2017
|
|
Gain Seeking in a “Double Security Dilemma”::
The Case of OPEC
|
2008
|
|
Gemeinsam stabiler::
wie autoritäre Regime zusammenarbeiten
|
2017
|
|
Gender Justice as an International Objective::
India in the G20
|
2017
|
|
Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime Resilience, and the Role of Civil Society in Algeria and Mozambique
|
2016
|
|
Geographical Patterns of Analysis in IR Research::
Representative Cross-Regional Comparison as a Way Forward
|
2014
|
|
The Geography of Intergenerational Mobility::
Evidence of Educational Persistence and the “Great Gatsby Curve“ in Brazil
|
2019
|
|
Germany in the United Nations Security Council::
Reforming Multilateralism
|
2020
|
|
Global South Perspectives on a Global Ban on Nuclear Weapons::
A Comparative Approach
|
2022
|
|
Growing Sino–US Rivalry in Latin America::
An Opportunity for the EU
|
2023
|
|
Guatemala::
A Vote for Turning the Tide
|
2024
|
|
Guatemala in the 1980s::
A Genocide Turned into Ethnocide?
|
2006
|
|
The Gülenists in Exile::
Reviving the Movement as a Diaspora
|
2019
|
|
Happy Ever After?:
The Marriage Market as a Source of Societal Instability
|
2022
|
|
A Heated Debate::
Climate Change and Conflict in Africa
|
2020
|
|
High Courts and Social Media in Latin America
|
2021
|
|
A History of Nonviolence::
Insecurity and the Normative Power of the Imagined in Costa Rica
|
2008
|
|
Home Alone::
South Africa’s Regional Predicament
|
2022
|
|
Honduras as a Complex Adaptive System and What It Means for the European Union – The Case of Violence
|
2016
|
|
Hooray for Global Justice?:
Emerging Democracies in a Multipolar World
|
2013
|
|
Household Welfare and CO2 Emission Impacts of Energy and Carbon Taxes in Mexico
|
2017
|
|
How Authoritarian Rulers Seek to Legitimise Repression::
Framing Mass Killings in Egypt and Uzbekistan
|
2017
|
|
How Do International Sanctions End?:
Towards a Process-Oriented, Relational, and Signalling Perspective
|
2020
|
|
How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy?:
Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries
|
2015
|
|
How Latin American States Protect Their Emigrants in Times of COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
How Signifying Practices Constitute Food (In)security:
The Case of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
|
2010
|
|
How Signifying Practices Constitute Food (In)security The Case of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
|
2010
|
|
How to Anchor Germany’s Drifting Indo-Pacific Policy
|
2022
|
|
How to Make China Help Bring the War in Ukraine to an End
|
2022
|
|
Hundert Jahre Einsamkeit::
Die KP Chinas probt ihren globalen Führungsanspruch
|
2021
|
|
Identität, Partizipation, Vision – Unerfüllte Erwartungen an moderate Islamisten
|
2016
|
|
Ideological Reform and Political Legitimacy in China::
Challenges in the Post-Jiang Era
|
2006
|
|
If You Can’t Include Them, Exclude Them::
Countering the Arab Uprisings in Algeria and Jordan
|
2016
|
|
The Impact of Fuel Ownership on Intrastate Violence
|
2013
|
|
In Search of Legitimacy in Post-revolutionary China::
Bringing Ideology and Governance Back In
|
2010
|
|
Inclusive Institutions and the Onset of Internal Conflict in Resource-rich Countries
|
2010
|
|
India and the Civil War in Sri Lanka::
On the Failures of Regional Conflict Management in South Asia
|
2010
|
|
Indian Involvement in Afghanistan::
Stepping Stone or Stumbling Block to Regional Hegemony?
|
2009
|
|
India’s Social Policies::
Recent Changes for the Better and Their Causes
|
2019
|
|
India’s Turn in Climate Policy::
Assessing the Interplay of Domestic and International Policy Change
|
2012
|
|
Indigene Völker unter Druck
|
2020
|
|
Indonesia’s Islamic Peace Diplomacy::
Crafting a Role Model for Moderate Islam
|
2023
|
|
The Indo-Pacific::
Confidence-Building in Times of Growing Conflict Potential
|
2023
|
|
Informal Institutions in Autocracies::
Analytical Perspectives and the Case of the Chinese Communist Party
|
2013
|
|
Informal Interference in the Judiciary in New Democracies::
A Comparison of Six African and Latin American Cases
|
2014
|
|
Institutional Conflict Settlement in Divided Societies::
The Role of Subgroup Identities in Self-Government Arrangements
|
2012
|
|
The Institutional Presidency from a Comparative Perspective::
Argentina and Brazil since the 1980s
|
2014
|
|
Institutionalising Civilian Control of the Military in New Democracies::
Theory and Evidence from South Korea
|
2016
|
|
International Alignment between Interests and Ideology::
The Case of China’s Partnership Diplomacy
|
2016
|
|
International Cooperation of Authoritarian Regimes::
Toward a Conceptual Framework
|
2013
|
|
International Sanctions against Iran under President Ahmadinejad::
Explaining Regime Persistence
|
2014
|
|
Iran and the Arab Spring::
Between Expectations and Disillusion
|
2013
|
|
Iran‘s Oil Wealth::
Treasure and Trouble for the Shah‘s Regime A Context-sensitive Analysis of the Ambivalent Impact of Resource Abundance
|
2009
|
|
Is There a “Chinese School” of IR?
|
2012
|
|
Islamistischer Wahlsieg in Marokko löst Krise bei der Regierungsbildung aus
|
2016
|
|
Israels politisches System — keine Demokratie?
|
2020
|
|
“It’s Asia, Stupid”::
Time for the EU to Deepen Relations with Asia
|
2017
|
|
It’s Not Only Rents::
Explaining the Persistence and Change of Neopatrimonialism in Indonesia
|
2011
|
|
Joe Biden and a New Era of Multilateralism
|
2021
|
|
Justifications of Repression in Autocracies::
An Empirical Analysis of the Maghreb, 2000–2010
|
2022
|
|
Katars Beziehungen zu Iran::
eher Taktik als Strategie
|
2017
|
|
Kollektive Selbstblockade?:
Weshalb der Pariser Klimagipfel scheitert
|
2015
|
|
Large-Scale Agricultural Investments under Poor Land Governance Systems::
Actors and Institutions in the Case of Zambia
|
2013
|
|
Large-Scale Farms and Smallholders::
Evidence from Zambia
|
2018
|
|
Large-Scale Land Deals and Social Conflict::
Evidence and Policy Implications
|
2022
|
|
Latin America – Multilateralism without Multilateral Values
|
2019
|
|
Latin America’s Search for Security::
Between Repression and Dialogue
|
2023
|
|
Long-Term Monarchical Survival in the Middle East::
A Configurational Comparison, 1945–2012
|
2013
|
|
Major Flaws in Conflict Prevention Policies towards Africa.:
The Conceptual Deficits of International Actors’ Approaches and How to Overcome Them
|
2005
|
|
Making China Great Again – Xi Jinpings Abschied von der Reformära
|
2018
|
|
Making the Most of Germany’s Strategic Partnerships::
A Five-Point Proposal
|
2016
|
|
Malaysias Demokratisierung in der Sackgasse
|
2020
|
|
Managing Ethnic Conflict::
The Menu of Institutional Engineering
|
2011
|
|
Managing the Status Quo::
Continuity and Change in the United States’ Taiwan Policy
|
2021
|
|
Manipulating Civic Space::
Cyber Trolling in Thailand and the Philippines
|
2018
|
|
Mapping Political Violence – The Approaches and Conceptual Challenges of Subnational Geospatial Analyses of Intrastate Conflict
|
2012
|
|
Measuring Geopolitical Power in India::
A Review of the National Security Index (NSI)
|
2010
|
|
Mediation im Jemenkonflikt::
regionale Akteure stärken
|
2017
|
|
"Micronexit" Overshadows Golden Anniversary of the Pacific Islands Forum
|
2021
|
|
Militarisation of COVID-19 Responses and Autocratisation::
A Comparative Study of Eight Countries in Asia-Pacific and Latin America
|
2023
|
|
Military Involvement in COVID-19 Responses::
Comparing Asia and Latin America
|
2023
|
|
Mind the Gap::
An Annotated Overview of Datasets in the Study of Institutions and Conflict in Divided Societies
|
2013
|
|
Mind the Gap! Comparing Gender Politics in Japan and Taiwan
|
2018
|
|
Multipolarity and the Future of Regionalism::
Latin America and Beyond
|
2015
|
|
Myanmar’s National League for Democracy at a Crossroads
|
2017
|
|
Nationalized Incumbents and Regional Challengers::
Opposition- and Incumbent-Party Nationalization in Africa
|
2015
|
|
The Nature and Role of Regional Agreements in International Environmental Politics::
Mapping Agreements, Outlining Future Research
|
2012
|
|
Negotiating Political Spaces::
Social and Environmental Activism in the Chinese Countryside
|
2011
|
|
Neighbourhood Matters for Peacebuilding
|
2021
|
|
Neopatrimonialism in Latin America::
Prospects and Promises of a Neglected Concept
|
2010
|
|
Neue deutsche Außenpolitik::
Netzwerke statt Allianzen
|
2016
|
|
New Horizons for Germany‘s Africa Policy
|
2017
|
|
The New Turkey and its Nascent Security Regime
|
2020
|
|
Nigeria::
A Prime Example of the Resource Curse? Revisiting the Oil-Violence Link in the Niger Delta
|
2010
|
|
No One Size Fits All – A Global Approach to Peace
|
2017
|
|
Non-Contributory Social Transfer Programmes in Developing Countries::
A New Data Set and Research Agenda
|
2016
|
|
North Korea and the Politics of Visual Representation
|
2011
|
|
Not a Storm in a Teacup::
The Islamic State after the Caliphate
|
2021
|
|
Not Always in the People’s Interest::
Power-sharing Arrangements in African Peace Agreements
|
2008
|
|
Not on the “Paris Track”::
Climate Protection Efforts in Developing Countries
|
2016
|
|
Now and Never::
Banning Hydrocarbon Extraction in Antarctica Forever
|
2022
|
|
Obama’s Road to Cairo::
The President’s Rhetorical Journey, 2008–2009
|
2019
|
|
Oil and the Eruption of the Algerian Civil War::
A Context-sensitive Analysis of the Ambivalent Impact of Resource Abundance
|
2010
|
|
Oil in Venezuela::
Triggering Violence or Ensuring Stability? A Context-sensitive Analysis of the Ambivalent Impact of Resource Abundance
|
2009
|
|
Oil-rent Boom in Iran?
|
2009
|
|
Oligopolies of Violence in Post-Conflict Societies
|
2007
|
|
One Year After::
Has the COVID-19 Pandemic Increased Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa?
|
2021
|
|
The Ontological (In)security of Similarity::
Wahhabism versus Islamism in Saudi Foreign Policy
|
2014
|
|
Opposition Visions for Preserving Syria’s Ethnic-Sectarian Mosaic
|
2015
|
|
Origins and Outcomes of Electoral Institutions in African Hybrid Regimes::
A Comparative Perspective
|
2012
|
|
Ousted from the Bench?:
Judicial Departures in Consolidating Democracies
|
2017
|
|
Pandemic, Protest, and Petro Presidente::
Rescuing Colombia’s Peace
|
2022
|
|
A Paradox of Plenty?:
Rent Distribution and Political Stability in Oil States
|
2006
|
|
Peace is Better Business, and Business Makes Better Peace::
The Role of the Private Sector in Colombian Peace Processes
|
2013
|
|
Peacebuilding after War and Violence — Neighbourhood Matters
|
2020
|
|
Peaceful or Contentious?:
How to Promote Interreligious Peace in Africa
|
2024
|
|
Perceiving Migration Crises::
A View from the European Neighbourhood
|
2020
|
|
Polarisation and Politicisation::
The Social Media Strategies of Indian Political Parties
|
2019
|
|
Police Violence Against Black People Is on the Rise in Brazil
|
2020
|
|
Political Change in the Middle East::
An Attempt to Analyze the “Arab Spring”
|
2012
|
|
The Political Deadlock on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam
|
2021
|
|
The Political Economy of India’s Transition to Goods and Services Tax:
na
|
2021
|
|
The Political Economy of Regional Power::
Turkey under the AKP
|
2012
|
|
The Political Limits of Presidential Impeachment::
Lessons from Latin America
|
2021
|
|
Political Parties in Post-Suharto Indonesia::
Between politik aliran and ‘Philippinisation’
|
2006
|
|
The Politics of Contestation in Asia::
How Japan and Pakistan Deal with their Rising Neighbors
|
2012
|
|
The Politics of Institutional Reform and Post-Conflict Violence in Nepal
|
2017
|
|
Postwar Youth Violence::
A Mirror of the Relationship between Youth and Adult Society
|
2012
|
|
Potencias regionales en la política internacional::
conceptos y enfoques de análisis
|
2006
|
|
The Power of Proximity::
Strategic Decisions in African Party Politics
|
2009
|
|
Power Sharing in Syria::
Lessons from Lebanon’s Experience
|
2013
|
|
Power Sharing in the Asia-Pacific
|
2014
|
|
Power-Sharing in Bahrain::
A Still-Absent Debate
|
2015
|
|
Präsidentenkür in Ägypten::
eher Volksabstimmung als Wahl
|
2018
|
|
Presidential Term Limits in Africa and Latin America::
Contested but Resilient
|
2020
|
|
Problems of Categorizing and Explaining Party Systems in Africa
|
2007
|
|
The Production of Insecurity by African Security Forces::
Insights from Liberia and the Central African Republic
|
2009
|
|
Promoting Peace and Democracy through Party Regulation?:
Ethnic Party Bans in Africa
|
2008
|
|
Purification of the Higher Education System and Jihad of Knowledge in Iran
|
2024
|
|
Queen Mothers::
Women in Leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2022
|
|
Reduced Scope for Action Worldwide for Civil Society
|
2018
|
|
The Reform of Chinaʻs Energy Policies
|
2013
|
|
Reform ohne Liberalisierung::
Die Präsidentialisierung Saudi-Arabiens
|
2019
|
|
Regime Type, Inequality, and Redistributive Transfers in Developing Countries
|
2015
|
|
Regional Linkages and Global Policy Alignment::
The Case of China–Southeast Asia Relations
|
2015
|
|
Regional Politics in a Highly Fragmented Region::
Israel’s Middle East Policies
|
2008
|
|
A Regional Power Promoting Democracy?:
India’s Involvement in Nepal (2005–2008)
|
2010
|
|
Regional Power Shifts and Climate Knowledge Systems::
South Africa as a Climate Power?
|
2010
|
|
Regional Power Transitions::
Lessons from the Southern Cone
|
2016
|
|
Regional Powers Still Matter!
|
2018
|
|
Religious Peace Activism—The Rational Element of Religious Elites’ Decision-making Processes
|
2010
|
|
Remilitarisation in Asia::
Trends and Implications
|
2024
|
|
Renewables in the Energy Transition::
Evidence on Solar Home Systems and Lighting-Fuel Choice in Kenya
|
2012
|
|
Representaciones de la violencia en la literatura centroamericana
|
2010
|
|
Repression by Legal Means::
Governments’ Anti-Fake News Lawfare
|
2024
|
|
Repression durch Anti-Terror-Gesetze in der arabischen Welt
|
2019
|
|
Requirements for a Successful COP 26::
Commitment, Responsibilities, Trust
|
2021
|
|
Re-Revolutionising Iran::
Condemning Prosperity and Jihadi Management
|
2022
|
|
Researching Ethnic Relations as the Outcome of Political Processes
|
2014
|
|
Reshaping Political Space?:
The Impact of the Armed Insurgency in the Central African Republic on Political Parties and Representation
|
2009
|
|
The Resilience of Authoritarian Rule in Syria under Hafez and Bashar Al-Asad
|
2009
|
|
The Resource Curse and Rentier States in the Caspian Region::
A Need for Context Analysis
|
2010
|
|
Resource Scarcity, Spite and Cooperation
|
2013
|
|
Rethinking the Consultation-Conflict Link::
Lessons from Bolivia’s Gas Sector
|
2013
|
|
Revisiting the Resource–Conflict Link::
A Systematic Comparative Test of Causal Mechanisms in Four Major Oil-Exporting Countries
|
2011
|
|
Revisiting the Resource—Conflict Link::
A Systematic Comparative Test of Causal Mechanisms in Four Major Oil-Exporting Countries
|
2011
|
|
The Revocation of Kashmir’s Autonomy::
High-Risk Hindutva Politics at Play
|
2019
|
|
“The Right to Have Rights”::
Legal Identity Documentation in the Syrian Civil War
|
2021
|
|
The Rise of Digital Repression in Indonesia under Joko Widodo
|
2024
|
|
Rising Anti-China Sentiment Supports South Korea’s Alignment with the US
|
2023
|
|
The Rising Authority of International Organisations
|
2017
|
|
Rising South Korea::
A Minor Player or a Regional Power?
|
2012
|
|
The Role and Development of Technology-Intensive Suppliers in Resource-Based Economies::
A Literature Review
|
2007
|
|
Russian Norm Entrepreneurship in Crimea::
Serious Contestation or Cheap Talk?
|
2018
|
|
The Russian War aginst Ukraine::
Middle East Food Security at Risk
|
2022
|
|
Salafisten im Maghreb::
Politische Ambitionen nach dem „Arabischen Frühling“
|
2016
|
|
Sanctions and Democratization in the Post-Cold War Era
|
2013
|
|
Saudi-Arabiens Krieg im Jemen::
keine Ausstiegsstrategie
|
2017
|
|
The Scope and Selectivity of Comparative Area Studies::
Transitional Justice Research
|
2014
|
|
Secondary Powers vis-à-vis South Africa::
Hard Balancing, Soft Balancing, Rejection of Followership, and Disregard of Leadership
|
2017
|
|
Security Policies of India, Brazil and South Africa – Regional Security Contexts as Constraints for a Common Agenda
|
2011
|
|
Seeing from Above::
The Geopolitics of Satellite Vision and North Korea
|
2012
|
|
A Shrimp amongst Whales?:
Assessing South Korea’s Regional-power Status
|
2009
|
|
Shrinking Spaces of Humanitarian Protection
|
2018
|
|
Siding with Societies::
How Europe Can Reposition Itself in the Sahel
|
2023
|
|
Social Media in Morocco::
From Grassroots Activism to Electoral Campaigns
|
2022
|
|
Social Policy Responses to the COVID-19 Crisis and the Road Ahead
|
2020
|
|
South China Sea “Lawfare”::
Fighting over the Freedom of Navigation
|
2020
|
|
Spielarten des Populismus in Asien
|
2017
|
|
Stabilität durch Rohstoffe?:
Ressourcenmanagement in Nachkriegssituationen
|
2016
|
|
Stagnation of a “Miracle”::
Botswana’s Governance Record Revisited
|
2009
|
|
State Extraction and Anti-Colonial Rebellion – Quantitative Evidence from the Former German East Africa
|
2015
|
|
State-Building, War and Violence::
Evidence from Latin America
|
2011
|
|
State(s) of Negotiation::
Drivers of Forced Migration Governance in Most of the World
|
2020
|
|
Structural Reform in the Arab Gulf States – Limited Influence of the G20
|
2017
|
|
Structural Stability::
On the Prerequisites of Nonviolent Conflict Management
|
2008
|
|
Sunni Political Islam::
Grasping the Emerging Divide
|
2017
|
|
Sustaining Civic Space in Times of COVID-19::
Global Trends
|
2021
|
|
Syrian Refugees in Jordan::
Between Protection and Marginalisation
|
2016
|
|
Technological Readiness in the Middle East and North Africa – Implications for Egypt
|
2010
|
|
Ten Things to Watch in Africa in 2020
|
2020
|
|
Ten Things to Watch in Africa in 2021
|
2021
|
|
Ten Things to Watch in Africa in 2022
|
2022
|
|
Ten Things to Watch in Africa in 2024
|
2024
|
|
Ten Things to Watch in the Middle East and North Africa in 2024
|
2024
|
|
They Should All Go (Again)! Forty Years of Democracy in Argentina
|
2023
|
|
Too Abstract to Be Feasible?:
Applying the Grounded Theory Method in Social Movement Research
|
2014
|
|
Too Many Resources or Too Few?:
What Drives International Conflicts?
|
2010
|
|
Toward the Green Economy::
Assessing Countries’ Green Power
|
2013
|
|
Towards a Global Zero for Nuclear Weapons::
Three Lessons from Latin America
|
2019
|
|
Transition from Democracy.:
Loss of Quality, Hybridisation and Breakdown of Democracy
|
2011
|
|
Transitional Justice, Recognition, and Authoritative Power
|
2017
|
|
Trump’s Shadow over US–China Economic Relations
|
2017
|
|
Tunesiens junge Demokratie::
Zwischen Sozialprotesten und Strukturanpassung
|
2019
|
|
Tunisia’s Autocratisation under President Kais Saied
|
2023
|
|
Turning Legal Pluralism into State-Sanctioned Law::
Assessing the Implications of the New Constitutions and Laws in Bolivia and Ecuador
|
2011
|
|
Under Pressure::
Democratisation Trends in Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2023
|
|
Under the State’s Thumb::
Results from an Empirical Survey of Civic Organizations in Vietnam
|
2015
|
|
United States–China Decoupling::
Time for European Tech Sovereignty
|
2020
|
|
Upgrading in Agricultural Value Chains::
The Case of Small Producers in Honduras
|
2007
|
|
„Upgrading“ in Wertschöpfungsketten – Global und Regional?
|
2015
|
|
The “Victor’s Peace” in Syria and the Limits of Multilateral Policies
|
2019
|
|
Vietnam Navigates Change to Defuse APEC’s Internal Crisis
|
2017
|
|
Vision einer maritimen Seidenstraße::
China und Südostasien
|
2015
|
|
Vom Krisenherd zum Krisenheld::
Chinas Umgang mit COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
Vom Überfluss zur Knappheit::
Die arabischen Golfstaaten unter Druck
|
2019
|
|
Von Addis Abeba nach Paris::
Das Super-Gipfeljahr zur Nachhaltigkeit 2015
|
2015
|
|
Wahlen in Indien::
Lackmustest für die globale Klimapolitik
|
2019
|
|
Walking a Tightrope::
New Zealand Revises Its China Policy
|
2019
|
|
The War in Sudan::
How Weapons and Networks Shattered a Power Struggle
|
2024
|
|
The War in Ukraine and Latin America::
Reluctant Support
|
2022
|
|
The War in Ukraine from the Perspective of the Global South::
Not an Epochal Turn
|
2022
|
|
A Weapon of the Weak::
Fighting Police Brutality through Social Media
|
2021
|
|
What Drives Interstate Balancing?:
Estimations of Domestic and Systemic Factors
|
2013
|
|
What Friends Are Made Of::
Bilateral Linkages and Domestic Drivers of Foreign Policy Alignment with China
|
2012
|
|
When Do Autocracies Start to Liberalize Foreign Trade?:
Evidence from Four Cases in the Arab World
|
2010
|
|
When Do Religious Minorities’ Grievances Lead to Peaceful or Violent Protest?:
Evidence from Canada’s Jewish and Muslim Communities
|
2018
|
|
When Tone Is Not Everything::
Joe Biden and Latin America
|
2021
|
|
Who Drives Change?:
Comparing the Evolution of Domestic Climate Governance in India and South Africa
|
2011
|
|
Why Do Some Oil Exporters Experience Civil War But Others Do Not?:
A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Net Oil-Exporting Countries
|
2011
|
|
Why Is Liberal Peace-building So Difficult?:
Some Lessons from Central America
|
2007
|
|
Why is Prior Consultation Not Yet an Effective Tool for Conflict Resolution?:
The Case of Peru
|
2013
|
|
Why It Matters What We Do::
Arab Citizensʼ Perceptions of the European Union after the 2011 Uprisings
|
2018
|
|
Yet Another Scramble::
Why Middle Eastern Powers Are Reaching Out to Africa
|
2018
|
|
Zivilgesellschaft unter Druck::
Globaler Widerstand gegen Demokratie wächst
|
2015
|
|
Zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen in Autokratien::
Akteure des Wandels?
|
2015
|