|
5G Security::
The New Energy Security
|
2020
|
|
Absent Influencers?:
Women in European Think Tanks
|
2020
|
|
Achieving Political Inclusion
|
2019
|
|
The Adaptive Reuse Toolkit:
How Cities Can Turn their Industrial Legacy into Infrastructure for Innovation and Growth
|
2016
|
|
Addressing the Russian Energy Challenge::
Why Regulation Trumps Geopolitics
|
2015
|
|
Adjusting Democracy Assistance to the Age of Digital Dissidents
|
2020
|
|
AFFORDABLE HOUSING IN AMSTERDAM AND COPENHAGEN:
Lessons for the San Francisco Bay Area
|
2017
|
|
Africa and the Mediterranean:
Evolving Security Dynamics after the Arab Uprisings
|
2014
|
|
After the Terror Attacks of 2015:
A French Activist Foreign Policy Here to Stay?
|
2016
|
|
Agenda 2021::
U.S.-India-Europe Cooperation on Foreign Policy Challenges
|
2021
|
|
Agenda 2021::
A Blueprint for U.S.-Europe-India Trade and Economic Cooperation
|
2021
|
|
Agricultural Models and Best Practices from Brazil and the Southern Cone::
Lessons for Africa?
|
2016
|
|
Agriculture in North Africa::
A Chance for Development
|
2012
|
|
AI Audit-Washing and Accountability
|
2022
|
|
AI Startups and the Fight Against Mis/Disinformation Online::
An Update
|
2022
|
|
AI STARTUPS AND THE FIGHT AGAINST ONLINE DISINFORMATION
|
2019
|
|
Airport Security::
A National Security Challenge
|
2013
|
|
Algeria Three Years After the Arab Spring
|
2014
|
|
An Allied Response to Chinese Investment
|
2017
|
|
America’s New Nuclear Disarmament Policy and the Transatlantic Relationship
|
2009
|
|
An Anachronistic Approach to Russia
|
2009
|
|
An Anglo-French “Pivot”?:
The Future Drivers of Europe-Asia Cooperation
|
2014
|
|
Apocalyptic Death of Turkish Foreign Policy in 2013?
|
2014
|
|
The Arab Awakening::
Three Perspectives
|
2011
|
|
The Arab Spring::
A Victory for Islamism?
|
2012
|
|
As Asia Rises:
How the West can enlarge its community of values and interests in the Indo-Pacific region
|
2010
|
|
The ASD AI Election Security Handbook
|
2024
|
|
Avoiding System Failure::
How Process-Design Can Help Fix Politics
|
2022
|
|
AVOIDING THE BAND-AID EFFECT IN INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSES TO DISINFORMATION AND HYBRID THREATS
|
2019
|
|
The Awakening Of Societies In Turkey And Ukraine:
How Germany and Poland Can Shape European Responses
|
2016
|
|
Back from the Depths::
Brazil, the World and the EU after Lula’s Electoral Victory
|
2022
|
|
Balancing National Security and Commerce:
Information politics in the new transatlantic agenda
|
2008
|
|
The Baltic States and Energy Security in Europe — Much Progress Made on a Critical Issue
|
2011
|
|
Battle on Top of the World::
Rising Tensions in Tajikistan’s Pamir Region
|
2012
|
|
Berlin’s New Pragmatism in an Era of Radical Uncertainty
|
2017
|
|
Beyond NATO’s Eastern Border:
Georgia, Ukraine, Moldova
|
2016
|
|
Beyond the Euro Crisis::
Implications for U.S. Strategy
|
2012
|
|
Beyond the “Pivot”::
Structural Dimensions of Transatlantic Challenges in the Context of a Rising China
|
2013
|
|
Biden’s Critical Trip to Ukraine and Georgia
|
2009
|
|
Black Sea Region::
Missing Pieces of the Civil Society Puzzle
|
2013
|
|
Bolstering European Energy Security
|
2014
|
|
Boosting Party Engagement in Central and Eastern Europe
|
2020
|
|
Border Security in Eastern Europe::
Lessons for NATO and Partners
|
2017
|
|
Brazil after the 2014 Elections::
A Bumpy Road Ahead
|
2015
|
|
Brazil and Africa::
Historic Relations and Future Opportunities
|
2016
|
|
Brazil-EU Relations::
Beyond the Eurozone Crisis
|
2012
|
|
Breaking Barriers to Women’s Participation in Politics in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
Brexit and the British Election::
Limiting the Damage
|
2017
|
|
Brexit Requires Five Difficult Negotiations
|
2016
|
|
Brexit, the Democratic Question in Europe, and the Future of the EU
|
2019
|
|
Bridging Energy Gaps for Greater Transatlantic Cooperation
|
2014
|
|
Bridging the Gulf with Iraq
|
2013
|
|
Broadband as Civic Infrastructure::
Community Empowerment, Equity, and a Digital New Deal
|
2021
|
|
The Bucharest Nine:
Enhancing Security on NATO’s Eastern Flank
|
2024
|
|
Building a Quad-South Korea Partnership for Climate Action
|
2022
|
|
Building Back Better::
Resilience and Transformation in the Eastern Partnership
|
2021
|
|
Building Back Better with Distributed Computing
|
2021
|
|
Building European Defense in the Context of U.S. Strategic Restraint
|
2014
|
|
Building the New Normal:
Central Europe: Will Boundaries Become Fault Lines?
|
2011
|
|
Building Up the Democratic Potential of the New Russian Emigrants
|
2023
|
|
Burden Sharing and the Future of Alliances in the Context of Economic Crisis
|
2013
|
|
Can Core Europe Move Forward without a Core?
|
2017
|
|
Can France and Germany Make PESCO Work as a Process Toward EU Defense?
|
2017
|
|
Can New Energy Supplies Bring Peace?
|
2014
|
|
CARICOM’s External Engagements::
Prospects and Challenges for Caribbean Regional Integration and Development
|
2015
|
|
CENTRAL ASIA, RUSSIA, AND CHINA::
U.S. POLICY AT EURASIA’S CORE
|
2017
|
|
Central Europe’s Radical Right and EU Foreign Policy
|
2021
|
|
The Challenge of Paramilitarism in Central and Eastern Europe
|
2020
|
|
The Challenges Ahead for EU Defense Cooperation
|
2020
|
|
Challenges for Transatlantic Counterterrorism Cooperation in North Africa
|
2017
|
|
Challenges of a Multipolar World::
The United States, India, and the European Union in the Asia-Pacific
|
2013
|
|
The Changing Landscape of Civil Society in the Eastern Partnership
|
2020
|
|
Changing the Narrative and Setting the Conditions for More Responsible Security Operations::
A Policy Primer
|
2014
|
|
Cheap Havoc::
How Cyber-Geopolitics Will Destabilize the Middle East
|
2017
|
|
China in the Mediterranean::
Recent Developments and New Challenges
|
2011
|
|
China’s Af-Pak Moment
|
2009
|
|
China’s New Leadership, Prospects for Foreign Policy, and for the China-U.S. Relationship
|
2013
|
|
China’s Risk Map in the South Atlantic
|
2016
|
|
Chinese Investment in the EU::
A Challenge to Europe’s Economic Security
|
2015
|
|
CITY NETWORKS:
Evaluating the Next Frontier of International Relations
|
2017
|
|
Civil Society in Central Europe::
Threats and Ways Forward
|
2020
|
|
Closing Ranks::
Aligning NATO and the EU’s Strategic Priorities
|
2015
|
|
Closing the Gap::
US-European Cooperation on China and the Indo-Pacific
|
2022
|
|
Coalition Building in a Post-Western World::
Three Challenges
|
2017
|
|
Common Ground for European Defense::
National Defense and Security Strategies Offer Building Blocks for a European Defense Strategy
|
2016
|
|
Connecting Security and Development::
Towards a Transatlantic Strategy in Fragile States
|
2015
|
|
The Consequences of a Trump or Biden Win for European Security
|
2020
|
|
The Consequences of a Trump or Biden Win for Germany
|
2020
|
|
The Consequences of a Trump or Biden Win for Transatlantic Trade
|
2020
|
|
Conservative,Comprehensive, Ambitious, or Realistic?:
Assessing EU Defense Strategy Approaches
|
2016
|
|
Containing the US-Turkish Crisis After the S-400s
|
2019
|
|
Continental Rift::
Bridging Transatlantic Differences on Economic Policy Toward China
|
2011
|
|
Convergence without Coordination::
Why Washington and Brussels Must Work Together in North Africa
|
2013
|
|
Cooperating with China on Iran
|
2012
|
|
The Core of Europe — A New Way to Look at It
|
2011
|
|
The Coronavirus Pandemic Shows the Need to Finally Take Cyber Resilience Seriously
|
2020
|
|
Corporate Statecraft
|
2013
|
|
Countering Right-Wing Populism::
The AfD and the Strategic Dilemma for Germany’s Moderate Parties
|
2015
|
|
Countering the Islamic State in Germany and Abroad::
German—American Policy Options
|
2017
|
|
A Country on the Verge::
The Case for Supporting Georgia
|
2021
|
|
Covert Foreign Money:
Financial loopholes exploited by authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 Has Democratic Lessons to Teach.:
Has Angela Merkel Helped Germany to Learn Them?
|
2020
|
|
CREATING A TRIPLE-WIN THROUGH LABOR MIGRATION POLICY?:
LESSONS FROM GERMANY
|
2015
|
|
Crises in the Euro Area and Challenges for the European Union’s Democratic Legitimacy
|
2013
|
|
The Crisis of the Post-Cold War European Order:
What to do about Russia’s newfound taste for confrontation with the West
|
2008
|
|
DEAR WORLD LEADERS::
TEAR DOWN YOUR DIGITAL WALLS
|
2017
|
|
DEFENDING A FRAYING ORDER:
The Imperative of Closer U.S.-Europe-Japan Cooperation
|
2016
|
|
Defense Innovation::
How Can Europe and the United States Learn from Each Other?
|
2018
|
|
Defense Innovation and the Future of Transatlantic Strategic Superiority::
A British Perspective
|
2017
|
|
Defense Innovation and the Future of Transatlantic Strategic Superiority::
A French Perspective
|
2018
|
|
Defining New Modes, Models, and Agendas for EU-Turkish Relations
|
2021
|
|
Democracy as Self-Correction
|
2012
|
|
Democracy Building since the Arab Spring::
In Need of “Diversification”
|
2012
|
|
Democracy Forward:
Innovation Is Needed—and Possible
|
2023
|
|
THE DEMOCRATS’ FOREIGN POLICY IN THE SHADOW OF TRUMP
|
2017
|
|
Designing Against Dark Patterns
|
2021
|
|
Designing Sanctions::
Lessons from EU Restrictive Measures against Belarus
|
2022
|
|
Designing Ukraine’s Recovery in the Spirit of the Marshall Plan:
Principles, Architecture, Financing, Accountability: Recommendations for Donor Countries
|
2022
|
|
Deterrence and Great Power Revisionism
|
2015
|
|
Deterrence Beyond NATO Borders
|
2014
|
|
Developing a Future Partnership between Japan and South Korea for Regional Stability in East Asia
|
2014
|
|
The Difficult but Necessary Task of Supporting Democrats in Russia
|
2017
|
|
Digital Livelihoods for Refugees - Examples, Challenges and Recommendations
|
2022
|
|
Direct Investments and Institutional Cooperation in the Euro-Mediterranean Region
|
2010
|
|
The Dismal Present and Future of Smart Defence
|
2014
|
|
The Distortion of UN Resolution 2758 to Limit Taiwan’s Access to the United Nations
|
2022
|
|
Diversity as Foreign Policy Asset
|
2006
|
|
DIVIDE AND OBSTRUCT::
POPULIST PARTIES AND EU FOREIGN POLICY
|
2019
|
|
The Double Bypass:
How the United States and China are Routing Around Each Other and Transforming the Liberal Order
|
2013
|
|
A Dual Framework for the Turkey-U.S. Security Relationship
|
2021
|
|
Eastern Europe Joins the Western Balkans:
A New Start for the EU’s Enlargement Policy
|
2023
|
|
The East-West Black Sea/Caspian Sea Corridor in the Age of Uncertainty
|
2013
|
|
The East-West Strategic Corridor::
Multiple Opportunities and Benefits
|
2012
|
|
The Economy in the Arab Uprisings::
Difficulties and Transformations
|
2011
|
|
The Economy-Security Nexus::
How the United States and China are Routing Around Each Other and Transforming the Global Order
|
2013
|
|
Egypt After the Crisis::
Resilience and New Challenges
|
2010
|
|
Egypt Sets out on a Dangerous Path::
Treating Political and Diplomatic Problems as Security Threats
|
2014
|
|
Egypt’s Transition Towards a New Governance for Sustainable Development
|
2012
|
|
Embedding Human Rights in European and US China Policy
|
2022
|
|
Energy Resources in the Eastern Mediterranean::
Source for Cooperation or Fuel for Tension
|
2012
|
|
Engaging Europe on Afghanistan
|
2009
|
|
Enhancing a Continental Policy on Energy Access in Africa
|
2016
|
|
E-Procurement Lessons from Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova
|
2021
|
|
EU MOBILITY PARTNERSHIPS::
THE ʺMOST INNOVATIVE AND SOPHISTICATED TOOLʺ OF EUROPEAN MIGRATION POLICY?
|
2014
|
|
EU-NATO Cooperation in an Era of Great-Power Competition
|
2019
|
|
THE EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION::
EXPECTATIONS, CHALLENGES, AND ACHIEVEMENTS
|
2019
|
|
Europe::
Is the System Broken?
|
2019
|
|
Europe and Japan::
Toward a “Trans-Eurasian” Partnership?
|
2015
|
|
Europe and the Gulf::
A Return to Normalcy?
|
2013
|
|
Europe in the Indo-Pacific::
A Case for More Coordination with Quad Countries
|
2020
|
|
Europe Must Take on its Share of the Syrian Refugee Burden, But How?
|
2014
|
|
Europe, the Transatlantic Defense Industry, and How to Make the Right Choice?
|
2013
|
|
Europe to Planet America: Stay With Us, But Don’t Stampede Us:
Prospects and Limits of a Transatlantic Division of Security Responsibilities
|
2015
|
|
Europe Wavers as the Mediterranean Looks East
|
2015
|
|
A European Fund for Growth and Employment::
A First Step Toward a Eurozone Budget
|
2014
|
|
EUROPEAN POLICY BLUEPRINT FOR COUNTERING AUTHORITARIAN INTERFERENCE IN DEMOCRACIES
|
2019
|
|
Europeans Less Able, Americans Less Willing?
|
2013
|
|
Europe’s Eastward Gaze::
How Far Should It Reach?
|
2013
|
|
Europe’s Maghreb Headache
|
2017
|
|
Europe’s Options on the Sidelines of the North Korea Crisis
|
2017
|
|
Europe’s Response to the Arab Spring
|
2011
|
|
Europe’s Response to the Belt and Road Initiative
|
2018
|
|
Europe’s Sputnik Moment::
Remaining Relevant In The Global Defense Innovation Competition
|
2019
|
|
The EU’s External Action Service::
Will it Deliver?
|
2011
|
|
The EU’s Lessons for Supporting Civil Society in Member States
|
2020
|
|
EU–TURKEY RELATIONS::
STEERING IN STORMY SEAS
|
2018
|
|
The Evolving Role of the Adriatic Space in the Mediterranean:
Challenges and Opportunities
|
2013
|
|
Exit Strategies: How Soon? How Fast? How to Coordinate?:
A European perspective on phasing out the emergency measures taken in response to the economic crisis
|
2010
|
|
Exit Venus::
Europe Needs to be Stronger about Defense
|
2013
|
|
Expanding Engagement among South Korea and the Quad Countries in the Indo-Pacific
|
2022
|
|
EXPANDING EQUITY AND INCLUSION IN URBAN DEVELOPMENT THROUGH TRANSATLANTIC EXCHANGE
|
2019
|
|
Exploring Emerging Domestic Drivers of Chinese Foreign Policy
|
2014
|
|
The External Action Service of the European Union — Fit for Purpose?
|
2011
|
|
Facial Recognition in the Public Sector::
The Policy Landscape
|
2021
|
|
Factoring the Regional Impact of Uzbekistan’s Withdrawal from the CSTO
|
2012
|
|
Five Authoritarian Pandemic Messaging Frames and How to Respond
|
2020
|
|
The Five Challenges to Erdoğan’s Executive Presidential Rule after the Coronavirus
|
2020
|
|
The Five Challenges to Erdoğan’s Executive Presidential Rule after the Coronavirus
|
2020
|
|
The Five Most Contentious Issues on the Road to Warsaw
|
2015
|
|
Flexible Security Arrangements and the Future of NATO Partnerships
|
2021
|
|
For a “New Realism” in European Defense::
The Five Key Challenges an EU Defense Strategy Should Address
|
2016
|
|
For a New Transatlantic Strategic Sequence::
In, Near, and Beyond Europe
|
2013
|
|
Forced Convergence?:
Transatlantic Strategy in the Global Mediterranean
|
2015
|
|
FORESIGHT 2020:
Annual Report of GMF Leadership Programs
|
2020
|
|
Framing the Transatlantic Security Discussion
|
2013
|
|
France's Defense Partnerships and the Dilemmas of Brexit
|
2018
|
|
From Apathy to Action::
Attitudes to Civic Engagement in the Eastern Partnership
|
2020
|
|
From Confrontation to Cooperation: Citizen Engagement and Consensus Building in Public Policies:
Lessons from the U.S. for Italy and Europe
|
2010
|
|
From Down Under to Top Center:
Australia, the United States, and this Century’s Special Relationship
|
2011
|
|
From Geo-Strategy to Omni-Strategy::
Interactions between China, Europe, and the United States
|
2014
|
|
From Model to Bystander and How to Bounce Back:
Turkey, the Middle East, and the Transatlantic Alliance
|
2013
|
|
From Transition to Transformation::
Europe’s Afghanistan Decade?
|
2012
|
|
Frustration, Fear, and the Fate of U.S.-Turkish Relations
|
2019
|
|
A “Full Stack” Approach to Public Media in the United States
|
2021
|
|
Future Landscapes of Conflict or Cooperation?:
Climate Security Needs Transatlantic Leadership
|
2010
|
|
The Future of Mediterranean Europe::
Between the Euro Crisis and Arab Revolution
|
2013
|
|
THE FUTURE OF MULTIGENERATIONAL HOUSING IN EXISTING COMMUNITIES::
INSIGHTS FOR TRANSATLANTIC CITIES
|
2019
|
|
The Future of the Quad and the Emerging Architecture in the Indo-Pacific
|
2022
|
|
The Future of the Western Liberal Order:
The Case of Italy
|
2013
|
|
The Future of US Global Leadership:
Implications for Europe, Canada and Transatlantic Cooperation
|
2016
|
|
A G20 Agenda for Trade and Development in Poor Countries
|
2011
|
|
The G20 and Global Imbalances
|
2011
|
|
The G20, Emerging Powers, and Transatlantic Relations
|
2011
|
|
The Gap between Threat and Threat Perception in the Asia-Pacific
|
2014
|
|
Gas Discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean::
Implications for Regional Maritime Security
|
2015
|
|
The Geopolitics of Chinese Access Diplomacy
|
2012
|
|
German Defense Policy::
Is the Change for Real?
|
2014
|
|
Germany Rethinking Its Role
|
2014
|
|
Germany’s Last Chance to Partner with the United States in Leadership?
|
2021
|
|
Germany’S Pivotal Role on the Way to TTIP
|
2014
|
|
Germany’s Political Center is Stronger than it Looks
|
2016
|
|
Getting America’s Message Out to a Skeptical World
|
2008
|
|
Getting Beyond Minsk::
Toward a Resolution of the Conflict in Ukraine
|
2017
|
|
Getting Legislatures on Both Sides of the Atlantic Engaged in TTIP
|
2015
|
|
Global Cities, Inequality, and the Public Realm
|
2013
|
|
Global Governance, Transatlantic Relations, and World Order
|
2015
|
|
GLOBAL SWING STATES AND THE MARITIME ORDER
|
2012
|
|
GLOBAL SWING STATES AND THE NON-PROLIFERATION ORDER
|
2012
|
|
Global Swing States and U.S. Strategy
|
2013
|
|
Governance versus Authoritarian Influence in the Western Balkans
|
2021
|
|
Governing the Global Commons::
Challenges and Opportunities for US-Japan Cooperation
|
2022
|
|
Growing Instability Challenges the Transatlantic Approach to the Arab Spring Countries
|
2013
|
|
Guardians of the Global System:
What the transatlantic economic partnership should give the world—and why it might not deliver
|
2008
|
|
The Guardians of Traditional Values:
Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church in the Quest for Status
|
2015
|
|
The Helsinki Final Act::
Is There Life After 40?
|
2014
|
|
Hezbollah’s New and Old Wars::
From Ideological Struggle to Fight for Survival?
|
2013
|
|
How China Will Change the Global Political Map
|
2013
|
|
How Economic Dependence Could Undermine Europe’s Foreign Policy Coherence
|
2016
|
|
How Its War on Ukraine Killed Russia’s Hydrogen Ambitions
|
2022
|
|
How Religious Diplomacy and Pan-Islamic Organizations Can Help Stabilize Afghanistan
|
2022
|
|
How Sweden Can Use its EU Presidency to Build the Civilian Security Dimension of the Eastern Partnership
|
2023
|
|
How the EU Can Defend Media Freedom and Pluralism in Hungary and Poland
|
2022
|
|
How the European Crisis Impacts China
|
2012
|
|
How the West should Stop Crippling the Syrian Opposition
|
2013
|
|
HOW TO UPGRADE GERMANY’S POLICY TOWARDS AFRICAN COUNTRIES ON MIGRATION
|
2019
|
|
HOW UKRAINE CAN OPEN ITS DOOR TO NATO
|
2016
|
|
The Impact of the Coronavirus Pandemic on Polarization in Turkey
|
2020
|
|
IMPLEMENTATION OF CLIMATE CHANGE ADAPTATION SOLUTIONS IN U.S. CITIES
|
2017
|
|
The Implications of Eastern Mediterranean Gas for Turkey
|
2019
|
|
The Implications of U.S. “Strategic Restraint” for the Transatlantic Relationship
|
2013
|
|
The Impossible Transatlantic Discussion on the U.S. Third Offset Strategy
|
2016
|
|
In it for the long run::
Integration lessons from a changing Germany
|
2016
|
|
IN SPITE OF IT ALL, AMERICA:
A Transatlantic Manifesto in Times of Donald Trump – A German Perspective
|
2017
|
|
In the Wake of the Revolutions::
Rethinking Mediterranean Security and Strategy
|
2011
|
|
The In-Betweeners:
The Eastern Partnership Countries and the Russia-West Conflict
|
2016
|
|
Inclusive Local Digital Participation in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine
|
2021
|
|
Incubating Hate::
Islamophobia and Gab
|
2019
|
|
India in the Liberal Order
|
2013
|
|
Indonesia and the Asia-Pacific::
Opportunities and Challenges for Middle Power Diplomacy
|
2013
|
|
Innovation as Adaptation::
NATO and Emerging Technologies
|
2021
|
|
International Mechanisms for Accountability for Human Rights Violations in Belarus
|
2022
|
|
Iran Policy After the “NIE” — Modest Findings, Revolutionary Effects
|
2007
|
|
The Iranian Nuclear Crisis as Seen from Central Asia
|
2012
|
|
Iran’s Uprisings::
A Feminist Foreign Policy Approach
|
2022
|
|
Isolation and Propaganda:
The Roots and Instruments of Russia’s Disinformation Campaign
|
2016
|
|
Israeli Gas::
Too Soon to Declare Victory
|
2016
|
|
Israel’s Economy and the Arab Spring::
Isolation Serves as a Buffer
|
2012
|
|
It is Time to Reform Critical Social Protection Policies in the U.S. and the EU
|
2020
|
|
It’s Not Just Facebook::
Countering Russia’s Social Media Offensive
|
2018
|
|
Japan-Europe Cooperation for Peace and Stability::
Pursuing Synergies on a Comprehensive Approach
|
2015
|
|
Japan—Russia Relations::
The View from Moscow
|
2017
|
|
Japan’s Global Re-Emergence::
How Japan’s Active Diplomacy Strengthens the Foundations of the U.S.-Japan Alliance
|
2015
|
|
Justice or Injustice in Georgia?:
The First 100 Days after the Power Transfer
|
2013
|
|
Keeping Europe Competitive
|
2024
|
|
The Lasting Impact of the Helsinki Process
|
2014
|
|
Latvian Banking::
Recent Reforms, Sustainable Solutions
|
2018
|
|
The Law Of The Sea And Mediterranean Security
|
2010
|
|
Le rôle de l’Inde de Modi dans la politique américaine en Asie
|
2015
|
|
Learning from Liberia’s Unique Model of Engaging Philanthropy
|
2012
|
|
Lebanon::
The Next Eastern Mediterranean Gas Producer?
|
2015
|
|
Lebanon, Dual Legitimacy, and the Syrian Crisis:
Challenges for the EU and the United States in a Lebanon on the Verge of Escalated Internal Confrontations
|
2013
|
|
Lessons from Northern Ireland::
Policing, Polarization, and Moving Forward
|
2020
|
|
Lessons from Ukraine:
Why a Europe-Led Geo-Economic Strategy is Succeeding
|
2016
|
|
Leveraging Europe’s International Economic Power
|
2016
|
|
Liberal Attitudes and Middle East Realities
|
2014
|
|
Liberal Order in a Post-Western World
|
2014
|
|
Libya And Mali Operations:
Transatlantic Lessons Learned
|
2014
|
|
The Limits of German Power:
Europe demands Germans to the rescue — only to find a country in search of purpose and strategy
|
2012
|
|
Local Capacity is the First Line of Defense Against the Hybrid Threat
|
2015
|
|
The Long View on Turkish-Russian Rivalry and Cooperation
|
2020
|
|
The Longue Durée
|
2014
|
|
Looking Back on the Fall of the Eastern Iron Curtain ::
How Turkey Rediscovers her South Caucasus Neighborhood
|
2010
|
|
Looking East::
The “Arab Spring” and the Relevance of East Asia
|
2011
|
|
Making Cities Better for Aging:
Lessons from U.K. Age-Friendly Cities
|
2016
|
|
Mapping Climate Change and Security in North Africa
|
2010
|
|
Maritime Transport and Regional Cooperation in the Mediterranean Basin
|
2011
|
|
Markets, Trade and Development in Madagascar::
Recommendations for G20 Support for Governance Reforms and Investment
|
2011
|
|
Masks Off::
Chinese Coronavirus Assistance in Europe
|
2020
|
|
Medicine for Fear::
Transatlantic Leadership in Emergency Funding for Epidemics of Communicable Diseases
|
2015
|
|
Mediterranean 2020::
The Future of Mediterranean Security and Politics
|
2011
|
|
The Mediterranean and the Middle East:
Narrowing Gaps in Transatlantic Perspective
|
2010
|
|
The Mediterranean Region in a Multipolar World:
Evolving Relations with Russia, China, India, and Brazil
|
2013
|
|
The Mediterranean’s 3 Cs and Implications for the West
|
2012
|
|
METROPOLITAN GOVERNANCE::
TRANSATLANTIC LESSONS FOR THE NASHVILLE REGION
|
2017
|
|
Mexico’s Strategic Comparative Advantage in International Trade::
At the Crossroads of NAFTA, the Pacific Alliance, TPP, and TTIP
|
2016
|
|
Middle East::
On the Agenda for the Next Leader of India?
|
2014
|
|
A Middle East Final Act?
|
2008
|
|
The Middle East Peace Process::
Time for a Reality Check
|
2013
|
|
The Militarization of Russian Policy
|
2017
|
|
MIND THE GAP::
NATIONAL VIEWS OF THE FREE AND OPEN INDO-PACIFIC
|
2019
|
|
The Missing Partnership::
The United States, Europe, and China’s Economic Challenge
|
2020
|
|
A Modern Marshall Plan for Ukraine:
Seven Lessons from History to Deliver Hope
|
2022
|
|
The Modern Silk Road::
One Way or Another?
|
2014
|
|
Modernization: The Forgotten Strategy of Social Transformation:
Post-Communist Lessons for the Arab Revolutions
|
2011
|
|
More Ambition, Please!:
Toward a New Agreement between Germany and the United States
|
2021
|
|
More than a Neighbor::
Why Ukraine Matters
|
2010
|
|
Moving EU-Pakistan Relations Beyond Words
|
2011
|
|
The multilateralism conundrum::
international economic relations in the post-hegemonic era
|
2017
|
|
Multilateralism in One Country::
The Isolation of Merkel’s Germany
|
2017
|
|
The Murky Future of U.S. Use of Force
|
2014
|
|
The Muslim Brotherhood and the Illusion of Power
|
2012
|
|
Mutual Support and Common Interests in Asia and European Neighborhoods
|
2015
|
|
The myth of “exporting” democracy::
Lessons from Eastern Europe after 1989
|
2009
|
|
National Fiscal Policy and Local Government during the Economic Crisis:
Volume 2: Country Profiles
|
2014
|
|
National Fiscal Policy and Local Government during the Economic Crisis
|
2014
|
|
National Priorities for the NATO Warsaw Summit
|
2016
|
|
NATO After the Brussels Summit::
Bruised or Emboldened?
|
2018
|
|
NATO and Asymmetric Threats::
A Blueprint for Defense and Deterrence
|
2018
|
|
NATO and Russia after the Invasion of Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
NATO and Societal Resilience::
All Hands on Deck in an Age of War
|
2022
|
|
NATO and the Economy-Security Nexus::
Reflections on a New Strategic Calculus
|
2013
|
|
NATO at 70::
From Triumph to Tumult?
|
2019
|
|
NATO Cybersecurity::
A Roadmap to Resilience
|
2017
|
|
NATO’s Force Generation and Deployment
|
2018
|
|
NATO’s Moving Goalposts Between Wales and Warsaw
|
2015
|
|
NATO’s Policy and Posture in the Arctic::
Revisiting Allied Capabilities and Command Plans
|
2023
|
|
NATO’s Role in Global Cyber Security
|
2022
|
|
Natural Gas in the Palestinian Authority::
The Potential of the Gaza Marine Offshore Field
|
2014
|
|
Navigating a Nuclear Minefield::
The United States, Europe, and Iran
|
2012
|
|
Neighborhoods in Transition:
Insights from U.S. Strategies for Integrated Urban Planning
|
2017
|
|
The New American Foreign Policy of Technology:
Promoting Innovation, National Security, and Democratic Values in a Digital World
|
2023
|
|
A New Chance for Ukraine?
|
2012
|
|
A new European order?
|
2010
|
|
New Forms of Democratic Citizenship in the Middle East and North Africa::
An Alternative Approach for the EU and United States
|
2016
|
|
The New Parameters of German Foreign Policy
|
2017
|
|
A New Political Landscape Out of Turkey’s Municipal Elections
|
2019
|
|
New Power New Responsibility:
Elements of a German foreign and security policy for a changing world
|
2013
|
|
New Socio-Political Actors::
The Brotherhood and Business in Egypt
|
2012
|
|
A New Strategy for Europe’s Neighborhood
|
2014
|
|
New Technologies in Security and Defense
|
2014
|
|
A new view of success for Central Europe
|
2009
|
|
Next Steps in NATO Deterrence and Resilience
|
2021
|
|
Next-generation Perspectives on Taiwan
|
2022
|
|
Next-Generation Perspectives on Taiwan:
Insights from the 2023 Taiwan-US Policy Program
|
2023
|
|
North Caucasus Turmoil Intensifies on Europe’s Doorstep
|
2012
|
|
North-South Rebalancing:
The Role of Innovation, Technology Transfer, and Sharing of Best Practices
|
2014
|
|
Not Just a Summit::
Building the Democracy Support Engine Room
|
2021
|
|
Nothing New in Hybrid Warfare::
The Estonian Experience and Recommendations for NATO
|
2015
|
|
Of Ayatollahs and Jacobins:
Re-balancing after the rise of revolutionary powers―a historical lesson for transatlantic policy toward Iran
|
2008
|
|
On the Virtues of Inconclusiveness::
The Egyptian Constitution of 2014
|
2014
|
|
An Overdue Transition
|
2014
|
|
The Pacific Pivot and the West
|
2012
|
|
Palestine and the UN, from Challenge to Opportunity
|
2012
|
|
PAN-EUROPEAN PARTIES IN A TIME OF RESURGENT NATIONALISM
|
2019
|
|
Paper Ballots with Digital Transparency::
Kenya’s Pioneering Election
|
2022
|
|
The Paris Call and Activating Global Cyber Norms
|
2021
|
|
Perils of the U.S. Defense Budget::
Silver Lining or Dark Abyss?
|
2024
|
|
Periphery as the New King::
Lessons from the Current Global Disorder for the Transatlantic Allies
|
2014
|
|
Perspectives on the General Data Protection Regulation Of the European Union
|
2019
|
|
A PLACE OF MY OWN, A PLACE OF OUR OWN:
Creative Placemaking in a Transatlantic Context
|
2018
|
|
The Point of Departure::
The Seven Crises of the West
|
2014
|
|
Political Communications in the “Fake News” Era::
Six Lessons for Europe
|
2017
|
|
The Politics of India’s Unfinished Economic Reforms
|
2011
|
|
The Politics of Noise
|
2014
|
|
Populism, History, and Identity in German Politics and Foreign Policy
|
2017
|
|
Post-Election Libya::
Stuck in Transition
|
2013
|
|
Power and Values in a Changing Asia::
Debating Australia’s Strategic Future
|
2011
|
|
PRESERVING SPACE FOR COOPERATION IN AN ERA OF TRANSATLANTIC TURBULENCE
|
2018
|
|
President Trump, the U.S. Security Guarantee, and the Future of European Integration
|
2017
|
|
Promising Partnerships:
Emerging and Established Powers in the 21st Century
|
2014
|
|
Prospects for European and U.S. Policy toward Iran
|
2020
|
|
Prospects for EU-Türkiye Foreign Policy Cooperation at a Time of Geopolitical Turbulence
|
2024
|
|
Public Support for Trade Policy
|
2011
|
|
Quantifying Risk::
Innovative Approaches to Cybersecurity
|
2021
|
|
The Quest for Security in the Age of Austerity::
Opportunities and Challenges
|
2013
|
|
Raising EU and NATO Effectiveness::
The Impact of Diverse Boots on the Ground
|
2018
|
|
[Re] Nationalization in Europe
|
2009
|
|
Reassessing 1989::
Lessons for the Future of Democracy
|
2019
|
|
Rebalancing Works:
The Prospects for the Eurozone Reconsidered: Southern Europe is Largely on Course
|
2012
|
|
Rebuilding Together::
The Renewal of Transatlantic Leadership in the Global Economy
|
2012
|
|
Rebuilding Trust in the Digital Ecosystem: New Mechanisms for Accountability:
International Digital Accountability Council and GMF Digital
|
2021
|
|
Red Lines Around a Free and Fair Polish Election
|
2023
|
|
REFORM IN ARMENIA Assessing Progress and Opportunities for U.S. Policy
|
2019
|
|
The Refugee Crisis::
Perspectives from Across Europe and the Atlantic
|
2015
|
|
A Region Disunited?:
Central European Responses to the Russia-Ukraine Crisis
|
2015
|
|
Regional Integration in a Global Context::
Implications for Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2011
|
|
Regional Repercussions of the Ukraine Crisis:
Challenges for the Six Eastern Partnership Countries
|
2014
|
|
Regional Security Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region
|
2016
|
|
The Renewal of the Russian Challenge in European Security::
History as a Guide to Policy
|
2017
|
|
Repercussions from Turkey’s Intervention in Northeastern Syria
|
2019
|
|
Resource Rivalry in the Eastern Mediterranean::
The View from Washington
|
2012
|
|
Restoring Order::
Deterrence in Europe in the 21st Century
|
2015
|
|
Rethinking Deterrence::
Adapting an Old Concept to New Challenges
|
2016
|
|
Rethinking NATO’s Strategy in A Changing World::
Recommendations for the Next NATO Secretary General
|
2014
|
|
Rethinking Transatlanticism::
Toward a New Transatlantic Narrative
|
2015
|
|
Return Migration and Reintegration Policies::
A primer
|
2016
|
|
Returning to the Shadows::
China, Pakistan, and the Fate of CPEC
|
2020
|
|
Reversing Pakistan’s Drift Toward Radicalism
|
2011
|
|
REVITALIZING DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE TO COUNTER THREATS TO DEMOCRATIZATION
|
2019
|
|
The Rise and Fall of Medvedev’s European Security Treaty
|
2012
|
|
THE RISE OF THE FRONT NATIONAL:
Taking Stock of Ten Years of French Mainstream Politics
|
2017
|
|
Rival Visions of Transatlantic Energy Security
|
2011
|
|
Rivalry in the Eastern Mediterranean::
The Turkish Dimension
|
2012
|
|
The Role of Cyber “Elves” Against Russian Information Operations
|
2022
|
|
The Role of the Defense Industry in Transatlantic Strategic Choices
|
2013
|
|
The Roles China Ought to Play in the World
|
2011
|
|
Russia after the Coronavirus Crisis
|
2020
|
|
RUSSIA AS SPOILER:
Projecting Division in Transatlantic Societies
|
2018
|
|
Russia “is a Delicate Matter”?:
The View from Central Asia of Putin’s Commitment to the Region
|
2012
|
|
Russian Elites Are Worried:
The Unpredictability of Putinism
|
2016
|
|
RUSSIAN INFORMATION WARFARE IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE::
STRATEGIES, IMPACT, COUNTERMEASURES
|
2019
|
|
RUSSIAN NARRATIVE PROXIES IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
|
2019
|
|
Russia’s Challenge to the European Security Order
|
2016
|
|
Russia’s Efforts to Destabilize Bosnia and Herzegovina
|
2018
|
|
Russia’s Long War on Ukraine
|
2016
|
|
Russia’s Military::
On the Rise?
|
2016
|
|
Russia’s Spreading Nationalist Infection
|
2012
|
|
SAFE STREETS::
INSIGHTS ON VISION ZERO POLICIES FROM EUROPEAN CITIES
|
2017
|
|
Safeguarding Digital Democracy:
Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative Roadmap
|
2020
|
|
SECTION 230 OF THE COMMUNICATIONS DECENCY ACT AND THE FUTURE OF ONLINE SPEECH
|
2019
|
|
Security Choices After the Election::
New Direction for Ukraine?
|
2010
|
|
The Security Implications of Chinese Infrastructure Investment in Europe
|
2021
|
|
Security Together::
The Renewal of Transatlantic Alliance as a Global Force for Stability
|
2015
|
|
SEEING THE FOREST FOR THE TREES:
Why the Digital Single Market Matters for Transatlantic Relations
|
2016
|
|
Seizing Biden’s Pivot to Europe::
Time for Responsibility-Sharing
|
2021
|
|
Seventy Years After World War II::
German and Japanese Successes and Responsibilities
|
2015
|
|
SHAPING INCLUSIVE GOVERNANCE IN CYBERSPACE
|
2019
|
|
Six Lessons from a Decade of Asia Strategy Simulations
|
2022
|
|
Six Recommendations to Strengthen the Ukraine-NATO Partnership
|
2015
|
|
Solidarity Under Stress in the Transatlantic Realm
|
2016
|
|
SOUTHERN CHALLENGES AND THE REGIONALIZATION OF THE TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY PARTNERSHIP
|
2017
|
|
Spain and the New Mediterranean::
Overlapping Crises
|
2012
|
|
Speed Bumps And Accelerators:
Emerging Issues in Transatlantic Border Management
|
2014
|
|
The Stakes of User Interface Design for Democracy
|
2021
|
|
Statement before the Senate Armed Services Committee Hearing on “The United States’ Strategic Competition with China”
|
2021
|
|
Statement by Laura Rosenberger, Director of the Alliance for Securing Democracy and Senior Fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States BEFORE THE UNITED STATES HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS Concerning: “Undermining Democracy: Kremlin Tools of Malign Political Influence”
|
2019
|
|
States under Siege
|
2014
|
|
The Strategic Logic of the U.S. Rebalance to Asia and a Potential European Role
|
2013
|
|
The Strategic Role of Natural Gas Trade in Transatlantic Relations
|
2016
|
|
Strategic Spiral::
Arms Control, U.S.-Russian Relations, and European Security
|
2020
|
|
Strengthening Ombudspersons in Central and Eastern Europe
|
2020
|
|
Strengthening US-EU Cooperation on Technical Standards in an Era of Strategic Competition
|
2023
|
|
STRONG LEADERSHIP AND EFFECTIVE PARTNERSHIPS FOR SUCCESSFUL MUNICIPAL FTTP PROJECTS
|
2019
|
|
Stumbling Blocks To NATO’s Strategic Adaptation Initiative
|
2016
|
|
Sweden, Finland, and NATO
|
2017
|
|
The Taksim Protests::
The Return of Secular Low Politics?
|
2013
|
|
A Tale of Three Cities::
New migration and integration realities in Istanbul, Offenbach and Tangier
|
2016
|
|
Talking transatlantic, turning toward Asia?
|
2009
|
|
Targeting Greta Thunberg::
A Case Study in Online Mis/Disinformation
|
2020
|
|
Tashkent Maneuvers between Moscow, Washington, and Beyond
|
2012
|
|
#Tech2021:
Ideas for Digital Democracy
|
2020
|
|
Ten Legislative Proposals to Defend America against Foreign Influence Operations
|
2018
|
|
The Tension at Russia’s Center::
Radical Islam in Tatarstan
|
2012
|
|
Tests of Partnership:
Transatlantic Cooperation in Cyber Security, Internet Governance, and Data Protection
|
2014
|
|
The Three Dimensions of Europe's Defense Debate
|
2018
|
|
Three Ways Cities are Pushing the Accelerator of Change in the Coronavirus Times
|
2020
|
|
Tilting the Playing Field in Hungary and Poland through Informal Power
|
2021
|
|
Time for a Complete Makeover in Turkish-U.S. Relations
|
2020
|
|
Today’s Strategic Environment::
Inflection Point or Déjà Vu?
|
2015
|
|
TOGETHER OR ALONE?:
Choices and Strategies for Transatlantic Relations for 2021 and Beyond
|
2020
|
|
Torino-to-Portland Dialogues::
Planning and Implementing Climate Change Actions
|
2019
|
|
Toward a New Youth Brain-drain Paradigm in the Western Balkans
|
2022
|
|
Toward People-Centered Security Sectors In Africa::
A Tale Of Missed Opportunities?
|
2016
|
|
Towards Closer European Union and German Cooperation with South Korea in the Indo-Pacific
|
2022
|
|
TRANSATLANTIC CITIES AND REGIONS::
TRACING TEN YEARS OF IMPACT
|
2017
|
|
TRANSATLANTIC COOPERATION ON ASIA AND THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION
|
2019
|
|
Transatlantic Digital Dialogue:
Rebuilding Trust through Cooperative Reform
|
2015
|
|
Transatlantic Divergence in the MENA Region?:
The Question of Hezbollah
|
2013
|
|
Transatlantic Engagement in the MENA Region::
Challenges and Perspectives
|
2013
|
|
TRANSATLANTIC FRAGMENTATIONS AND POLICY ADAPTATION:
The Security of Europe in 2025
|
2017
|
|
Transatlantic Majorities Oppose Domestic Surveillance
|
2013
|
|
A Transatlantic Perspective on the Future of Libya
|
2012
|
|
TRANSATLANTIC POLICY CHALLENGES OF THE DIGITAL ENERGY NEXUS
|
2018
|
|
Transatlantic Power Failures:
America and Europe, seven years after 9/11: Hard power humbled, soft power exposed, and a looser, more pragmatic relationship
|
2008
|
|
Transatlantic Security, Terrorism, and the Middle East
|
2013
|
|
Transatlantic Trends 2020:
Transatlantic opinion on global challenges before and after COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
Transatlantic Trends 2023:
Public Opinion in a Shifting Global Order
|
2023
|
|
Transformational Leadership:
Models for Policy Innovation from the Continents of the Atlantic Basin
|
2015
|
|
Transformations in the Arab World::
Elements for an Assessment
|
2011
|
|
Transition to What::
Egypt’S Uncertain Departure From Neo-Authoritarianism
|
2011
|
|
Transparency and Accountability Mechanisms for Facial Recognition
|
2021
|
|
A Trusted Framework for Cross-Border Data Flows
|
2023
|
|
Tunisia’s Constitutional Process::
Hurdles and Prospects
|
2013
|
|
Turbulence Ahead::
Key Challenges for the West in Navigating the New Middle East
|
2013
|
|
Turkey::
Reluctant Mediterranean Power
|
2011
|
|
Turkey and Georgia::
Zero-Problems?
|
2013
|
|
Turkey and the EU::
The Limits of Unconditional Alignment
|
2012
|
|
Turkey and the European Sclerosis
|
2012
|
|
Turkey and the Mediterranean::
Balancing Geopolitics and Geo-Economics
|
2011
|
|
Turkey and the West::
Keep the Flame Burning
|
2020
|
|
Turkey Looks to China for Security Cooperation Alternatives
|
2017
|
|
Turkey Needs Help from its Allies
|
2020
|
|
Turkey Needs to Shift its Policy Toward Syria’s Kurds — and the United States Should Help
|
2016
|
|
Turkey’s Legal Reforms::
Positive but not Enough
|
2019
|
|
Turkey’s Local Elections::
What We Know and What We Do Not Know
|
2019
|
|
Turkey’s Mission Impossible in Sustaining Idlib’s Unstable equilibrium
|
2020
|
|
Turkey’s S400 vs. F35 Conundrum and its Deepening Strategic Partnership with Russia
|
2019
|
|
Turkey’s Two-Level Game in the Refugee Dispute with the EU
|
2020
|
|
Turkish Perceptions of the European Union
|
2021
|
|
Turks, Europeans, and Americans Debate Power and Prosperity::
Reflections on the Fourth Meeting of the Trilateral Strategy Group
|
2011
|
|
The Twilight of the Extroverts:
And Other Unlikely Facets of the Post-Pandemic Order
|
2020
|
|
Ukraine Before Vilnius::
Who Blinks First?
|
2013
|
|
Ukraine, Russia, and the China Option:
The Geostrategic Risks Facing Western Policy
|
2014
|
|
Ukraine’S Anti-Corruption Front:
Helping Ukrainians Win the War and the Peace by Having Their Backs against Oligarchy
|
2023
|
|
Ukraine’s Fragile Reform Prospects amid Ongoing Russian Aggression
|
2021
|
|
UN Peacekeeping::
A Focus for Japanese Cooperation with the United States and Europe?
|
2015
|
|
Uncertainty, Power, and Rethinking Turkish-U.S. Relations after S-400 Debacle
|
2019
|
|
Understanding Turkey’s Coercive Diplomacy
|
2020
|
|
The United States and EU Can Still Avoid Conflict Over Iran Sanctions
|
2018
|
|
The United States and the Future of Mediterranean Security::
Reflections from GMF’s Mediterranean Strategy Group
|
2015
|
|
The United States in German Foreign Policy
|
2016
|
|
Unlocking the Potential of the U.S.-Japan-Europe Relationship
|
2013
|
|
The Unstoppable Far Right?:
How established parties’ communication and media reporting of European affairs affect the electoral advances of right-populist parties
|
2014
|
|
Untangling Conflicts in the South Caucasus and Moldova::
An Agenda for 2013
|
2013
|
|
U.S. and EU Engagement with Islamists in the Middle East and North Africa
|
2015
|
|
U.S. and European Public Opinion on China
|
2014
|
|
The U.S. Defense Budget and the Future of Alliance Burden-Sharing
|
2013
|
|
U.S. Domestic Politics and the Future of Primacy
|
2016
|
|
The Use of New Technology in Security and Defense::
The Need for Renewed Transatlantic Trust
|
2014
|
|
The Use of New Technology in Security and Defense::
The Impact of New Defense Technologies on NATO
|
2014
|
|
The U.S.-EU High Level Development Dialogue::
Building on the Legacy of the Marshall Plan
|
2011
|
|
The U.S.–France Special Relationship::
Testing the Macron Method
|
2018
|
|
U.S.–Russian Relations in the Next Presidency
|
2016
|
|
The US-Sino Currency Dispute::
New Insights from Economics, Politics and Law
|
2010
|
|
Vibrant Neighborhoods Forum::
Leveraging Civic Engagement for Social Impact
|
2021
|
|
Wake Up, Berlin!:
To Save the Transatlantic Alliance, German Foreign Policy Needs to Change Radically
|
2017
|
|
Walking Through the Open Door::
Reflections on the U.S. Role in Helping Bosnia and Herzegovina Join a Europe Whole and Free
|
2009
|
|
Weather Reports, Defense Budgets, and Military Power
|
2015
|
|
The West and the Emerging “Gray Democracy” in Egypt
|
2013
|
|
The West Is Not the World
|
2021
|
|
A Western Strategy for Libya
|
2014
|
|
The West’s Response to the Ukraine Conflict:
A Transatlantic Success Story
|
2016
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What America’s Economy First Means for Europe
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2017
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What are the Prospects for a Transatlantic Division of Security Responsibilities?
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2015
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What is at Stake in Ukraine:
Europe and the United States Need to Do What it Takes to Protect the Right of the Eastern Partnership Countries to Choose their Future
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2014
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What is the Liberal International Order?
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2017
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What Moroccan Model?:
Moroccan Reform and New Regional Perspectives
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2011
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What next after the US withdrawal from the TPP?:
What are the options for trade relations in the Pacific and what will be the impact on the EU?
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2017
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What Strategic Environment does the Transatlantic Community Confront?
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2015
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What’s at Stake in the EU Elections::
The Rise of the Hard Right
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2024
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When the Music Stopped::
Closing the Transatlantic Gap in Economic Thinking
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2014
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Whither Germany?:
Why France Matters
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2017
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Whither Global Economic Cooperation?
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2014
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Why Did Italy Fall out of Love with Europe?
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2019
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Why Japan is Important to the West
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2010
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Why Pakistan is Neither a Democracy Nor (Yet?) an Autocracy
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2011
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Why Populist Nationalists Are Not Having a Good Crisis Yet
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2020
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Why Russia’s Economic Leverage is Declining
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2016
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Why the NATO Nuclear Debate Is Relevant to Japan and Vice Versa
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2010
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Will America’s Image Recover in Europe?:
Understanding public opinion since 9/11
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2008
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Will China Rule the World?:
A View from New Delhi
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2011
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Will Elections Make Ukraine Stronger?
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2014
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WILL EUROPE’S DEFENSE MOMENTUM LEAD TO ANYTHING?
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2017
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With “Strategic Partners” Like This, Who Needs Competitors?:
Europe Needs to Change its Military to Military Relations with China
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2018
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Yanukovych’s Two Years in Power
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2012
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