Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict Publisher Description
The Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) was founded in 2013 on the principle that accurate analysis is a critical first step toward preventing violent conflict. IPAC’s mission is to explain the dynamics of conflict—why it started, how it changed, what drives it, who benefits—and get that information quickly to people who can use it to bring about positive change. In areas wracked by violence, accurate analysis of conflict is essential not only to peaceful settlement but also to formulating effective policies on everything from good governance to poverty alleviation.
Research Reports
Research Reports in JSTOR from Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict
84 Research Reports in JSTOR Date
THE 2018 LOCAL ELECTIONS IN PAPUA:: PLACES AND ISSUES TO WATCH 2018
ACEH’S ELECTIONS:: A DO-IT-YOURSELF ANALYSIS 2014
ACEH’S SURPRISING ELECTION RESULTS 2014
AFTER AHOK:: THE ISLAMIST AGENDA IN INDONESIA 2018
ANATOMY OF AN INDONESIAN OIL PALM CONFLICT 2016
ANTI-AHOK TO ANTI-JOKOWI:: ISLAMIST INFLUENCE ON INDONESIA’S 2019 ELECTION CAMPAIGN 2019
THE ANTI-SALAFI CAMPAIGN IN ACEH 2016
THE ANTI-SHI’A MOVEMENT IN INDONESIA 2016
CARVING UP PAPUA:: MORE DISTRICTS, MORE TROUBLE 2013
CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN INDONESIA AFTER JOKOWI 2023
The Consequences of Renouncing Extremism for Indonesian Women Prisoners 2023
COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA:: NEED FOR A RETHINK 2014
COVID-19 AND THE MUJAHIDIN OF EASTERN INDONESIA (MIT) 2020
THE CURRENT STATUS OF THE PAPUAN PRO-INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 2015
DECLINE IN VIOLENCE BY THE ABU SAYYAF GROUP AND ONGOING RISKS 2022
THE DECLINE OF ISIS IN INDONESIA AND THE EMERGENCE OF NEW CELLS 2021
DIMINISHED AUTONOMY AND THE RISK OF NEW FLASHPOINTS IN PAPUA 2021
DIN MINIMI:: THE STRANGE STORY OF AN ARMED GROUP IN ACEH, INDONESIA 2015
DISUNITY AMONG INDONESIAN ISIS SUPPORTERS AND THE RISK OF MORE VIOLENCE 2016
Escalating Armed Conflict and a New Security Approach in Papua 2022
THE EVOLUTION OF ISIS IN INDONESIA 2014
THE EXPANDING ROLE OF THE INDONESIAN MILITARY 2015
EXTREMIST CHARITIES AND TERRORIST FUND-RAISING IN INDONESIA 2022
EXTREMIST WOMEN BEHIND BARS IN INDONESIA 2020
EXTREMISTS IN BANDUNG:: DARUL ISLAM TO ISIS — AND BACK AGAIN? 2018
EXTRICATING INDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD 2021
THE FAILED SOLO SUICIDE BOMBING AND BAHRUN NAIM’S NETWORK 2016
HOW A PRO-ISIS CELL EMERGED IN PAPUA 2022
HOW SOUTHEAST ASIAN AND BANGLADESHI EXTREMISM INTERSECT 2017
THE IMPACT OF THE TALIBAN VICTORY ON INDONESIA’S JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH 2021
INDIGENOUS RIGHTS VS AGRARIAN REFORM IN INDONESIA:: A CASE STUDY FROM JAMBI 2014
AN INDONESIAN DERADICALISATION PROGRAM THAT WORKS 2024
INDONESIAN ISLAMISTS:: ACTIVISTS IN SEARCH OF AN ISSUE 2020
INDONESIAN ISLAMISTS AND POST-ELECTION PROTESTS IN JAKARTA 2019
INDONESIAN ISLAMISTS IN THE LEAD-UP TO THE 2024 ELECTIONS 2023
INDONESIANS AND THE SYRIAN CONFLICT 2014
INDONESIA’S LAMONGAN NETWORK:: HOW EAST JAVA, POSO AND SYRIA ARE LINKED 2015
INDONESIA’S VILLA MUTIARA NETWORK:: CHALLENGES POSED BY ONE EXTREMIST FAMILY 2023
IPAC Report No. 54: THE JOLO BOMBING AND THE LEGACY OF ISIS IN THE PHILIPPINES 2019
IPAC Report No. 56: THE ONGOING PROBLEM OF PRO-ISIS CELLS IN INDONESIA 2019
IPAC Report No. 57: EXPLAINING INDONESIA’S SILENCE ON THE UYGHUR ISSUE 2019
IPAC Report No. 59 2019
IPAC Report No. 62: LEARNING FROM EXTREMISTS IN WEST SUMATRA 2020
IPAC Report No. 63: STOPPING ABU SAYYAF KIDNAPPINGS: AN INDONESIAN-MALAYSIAN CASE STUDY 2020
IPAC Short Briefing No.1:: COVID-19 AND ISIS IN INDONESIA 2020
ISIS IN AMBON:: THE FALLOUT FROM COMMUNAL CONFLICT 2016
JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH’S MILITARY TRAINING PROGRAMS 2022
JUSTICE AT THE CROSSROADS IN TIMOR-LESTE 2015
KILLING MARWAN IN MINDANAO 2015
Managing Conflict in Papua:: Suggestions for a New President 2024
MARAWI, THE “EAST ASIA WILAYAH” AND INDONESIA 2017
MESUJI:: ANATOMY OF AN INDONESIAN LAND CONFLICT 2013
MILITANT GROUPS IN POSO:: DOWN BUT NOT OUT 2023
MOTHERS TO BOMBERS:: THE EVOLUTION OF INDONESIAN WOMEN EXTREMISTS 2017
NUMBERS MATTER:: THE 2020 CENSUS AND CONFLICT IN PAPUA 2019
ONLINE ACTIVISM AND SOCIAL MEDIA USAGE AMONG INDONESIAN EXTREMISTS 2015
OPEN TO MANIPULATION:: THE 2014 ELECTIONS IN PAPUA PROVINCE 2014
OTSUS PLUS:: THE DEBATE OVER ENHANCED SPECIAL AUTONOMY FOR PAPUA 2013
PAPUA UPDATE:: THE LATEST ON OTSUS PLUS 2014
POLICY MISCALCULATIONS ON PAPUA 2017
POLITICAL POWER STRUGGLES IN ACEH 2015
POST-MARAWI LESSONS FROM DETAINED EXTREMISTS IN THE PHILIPPINES 2017
PRISON PROBLEMS:: Planned and Unplanned Releases of Convicted Extremists in Indonesia 2013
PRO-ISIS GROUPS IN MINDANAO AND THEIR LINKS TO INDONESIA AND MALAYSIA 2016
THE RADICALISATION OF INDONESIAN WOMEN WORKERS IN HONG KONG 2017
REBUILDING AFTER COMMUNAL VIOLENCE:: LESSONS FROM TOLIKARA, PAPUA 2016
THE RE-EMERGENCE OF JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH 2017
RELIGIOUS "SUPER-SPREADERS" IN INDONESIA:: MANAGING THE RISK OF STIGMATISATION 2020
RENEWING, REVISING OR REJECTING SPECIAL AUTONOMY IN PAPUA 2020
RETRIBUTION VS REHABILITATION:: THE TREATMENT OF THE BALI BOMBERS 2023
THE RISK OF MORE VIOLENCE IN THE SULU ARCHIPELAGO 2021
ROHINGYA REFUGEES IN ACEH:: AN UPDATE 2020
THE SEARCH FOR AN ISLAMIC STATE IN INDONESIA:: THE MANY GUISES OF DI/NII 2023
SOCIAL CONFLICT IN INDONESIA DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC 2022
THE SULU ARCHIPELAGO AND THE PHILIPPINE PEACE PROCESS 2015
SUPPORT FOR “ISLAMIC STATE” IN INDONESIAN PRISONS 2015
TERRORISM, RECIDIVISM AND PLANNED RELEASES IN INDONESIA 2020
TIMOR-LESTE: AFTER XANANA GUSMÃO 2014
UPDATE ON INDONESIAN PRO-ISIS PRISONERS AND DERADICALISATION EFFORTS 2016
UPDATE ON LOCAL ELECTION RESULTS IN WEST KALIMANTAN AND PAPUA 2018
UPDATE ON THE INDONESIAN MILITARY’S INFLUENCE 2016
VIOLENCE IN THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES IN THE LEAD-UP TO LOCAL ELECTIONS 2023
WEAK, THEREFORE VIOLENT:: THE MUJAHIDIN OF WESTERN INDONESIA 2013
THE WEST KALIMANTAN ELECTION AND THE IMPACT OF THE ANTI-AHOK CAMPAIGN 2018