|
1930s or 2020s?:
A European Growth Strategy
|
2012
|
|
The 2012 Armenian Parliamentary Elections::
Implications for Armenian Foreign Policy
|
2012
|
|
The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia::
What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem?
|
2011
|
|
2020::
The American Revolution that Wasn’t
|
2020
|
|
Above and Beyond::
State of the Art of Uncrewed Combat Aerial Systems and Future Perspectives
|
2023
|
|
Actors of Accountability in Africa::
ICC, African Union and Nation-States
|
2015
|
|
Afghanistan in Transition::
The Security Context Post-Bin Laden
|
2011
|
|
After Kazan, a Defining Moment for the OSCE Minsk Process
|
2011
|
|
The Aftermath::
American Power after COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)::
Implications for Algeria’s Regional and International Relations
|
2011
|
|
Algeria at the Crossroads, Between Continuity and Change
|
2011
|
|
All Is Not Quiet on the Western Front:
Trump’s Iran Policy and Europe’s Choice on the Nuclear Deal
|
2018
|
|
Ambiguous Definitions in the Cyber Domain::
Costs, Risks and the Way Forward
|
2011
|
|
Applying for EU Membership in Time of War::
“Accession through War” of Ukraine
|
2023
|
|
Assessing North Korea’s Nuclear and Missile Programmes::
Implications for Seoul and Washington
|
2017
|
|
At the End of the Day, Where Will Turkey Stand?
|
2019
|
|
Avoiding the Trap of Another Paper Exercise::
Why the Western Balkans Need a Human Development-centred EU Enlargement Model
|
2020
|
|
Avoiding the Unnecessary War.:
Myths and Reality of the West-Iran Nuclear Standoff
|
2012
|
|
Azerbaijan and the Non-Aligned Movement::
Institutionalizing the “Balanced Foreign Policy” Doctrine
|
2015
|
|
Azerbaijan in Transition
|
2012
|
|
Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy::
Between East and West …
|
2013
|
|
Azerbaijan’s Foreign Policy and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
|
2013
|
|
Back to Crisis Mode::
Iranʹs Quest to Manage Internal Crises and External Pressures
|
2019
|
|
Balancing Power and Consensus::
Opportunities and Challenges for Increased African Integration
|
2021
|
|
Behind the Scenes of the Turkish-Israeli Breakthrough
|
2013
|
|
The Belt and Road Initiative and the Internationalisation of China’s Scientific Power::
The Case of Italy
|
2021
|
|
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics::
The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean
|
2021
|
|
Beyond the Asterisk Agreement
|
2012
|
|
Beyond the Digital Tax::
The Challenges of the EU’s Scramble for Technological Sovereignty
|
2020
|
|
Beyond the “End of History”::
Nationalism, Liberalism and the War in Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
Beyond the Intergovernmental- Supranational Divide in EU Foreign Policy::
Insights from Kosovo
|
2015
|
|
Blockchain statale e yuan digitale::
“game changer” di Pechino nella competizione imperiale con gli Usa?
|
2020
|
|
The Blue Economy in the Mediterranean Region and Opportunities for the Algae Industry
|
2022
|
|
Boosting Africa’s and LDCs’ Agency in the G20
|
2021
|
|
Boosting TTIP Negotiations::
A Value Chain Approach
|
2015
|
|
Brexit and the Future of the United Kingdom
|
2016
|
|
Bridging the Gulf::
EU-GCC Relations at a Crossroads
|
2014
|
|
The Budgetary Future of Migration and Development Policy in the European Union
|
2019
|
|
Building Enduring Peace in Colombia::
How the EU Can Help
|
2018
|
|
Building the Transatlantic Area of Freedom, Security and Justice.:
The Case of the Passenger Name Record Agreements
|
2012
|
|
Burma Before the Elections
|
2015
|
|
Can Digital Currencies End Financial Exclusion in Indonesia?:
Economic Realities and Policy Ambitions
|
2022
|
|
Can South-Eastern Mediterranean Gas be a Supply for the EU?
|
2014
|
|
Can the West Afford to Let the World Go Hungry?:
Overcoming Challenges to Establishing a Humanitarian Corridor in the Black Sea
|
2022
|
|
Caspian Gas, TANAP and TAP in Europe’s Energy Security
|
2014
|
|
Cbdc per principianti.:
Tutto quello che c’è da sapere sulla moneta digitale della banca centrale (e perché non dovrebbe far paura)
|
2021
|
|
CBDCs for Dummies::
Everything You Need to Know about Central Bank Digital Currency (And Why You Shouldn’t Be Afraid of It)
|
2021
|
|
Challenges and Stakes of State and Societal Resilience in Tunisia
|
2017
|
|
The Challenges for European Policy on Access to Space
|
2011
|
|
Challenges for Global Macroeconomic Stability and the Role of the G7
|
2017
|
|
The Challenges of State Sustainability in the Mediterranean
|
2011
|
|
Changing Migration Patterns in the Mediterranean
|
2015
|
|
A Changing Picture with Unaltered Contours.:
US-Iran Antagonism in the Context of the Iraq-Syria Crisis
|
2015
|
|
China and Middle East Security Issues::
Challenges, Perceptions and Positions
|
2020
|
|
China and the Global South::
Many Initiatives, One Narrative
|
2023
|
|
China in Italy::
Risk Assessment and Preventive Solutions
|
2021
|
|
The China Nuclear Taboo and Russia’s War in Ukraine
|
2023
|
|
China Reinterprets the Liberal Peace
|
2012
|
|
China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Italy::
An Analysis of Financial Cooperation
|
2021
|
|
China’s Foreign Policy in Northeast Asia::
Implications for the Korean Peninsula
|
2017
|
|
China’s Grand Vision and the Persian Gulf
|
2023
|
|
China’s New Silk Road Initiative
|
2015
|
|
Chinaʹs Quest for Global Clean Energy Leadership
|
2020
|
|
Chinese Investments in Italy::
Facing Risks and Grasping Opportunities
|
2014
|
|
The Chinese Perspectives on the EU’s Policy towards China
|
2023
|
|
Climate Change and Security in the Mediterranean
|
2022
|
|
Collective Security and Multilateral Engagement in the Middle East::
Pathways for EU Policy
|
2020
|
|
Competitive Multipolarity in the Middle East
|
2014
|
|
Comprehensive Security and New Challenges::
Strengthening the OSCE
|
2021
|
|
Confidence-building in Tunisia after the Popular Uprising::
Strategies and Dilemmas of the Interim Government
|
2011
|
|
Connectivity, Value Chains and the Green Transition::
Promoting Multilateralism and Sustainable Growth across the Shared Mediterranean Space
|
2022
|
|
A Coordinated Approach to Foster Sustainable Growth and Financial Stability
|
2017
|
|
Co-ordination in Tense Times::
Issues for the G7
|
2017
|
|
Could a Bridge between the EU and Latin America Boost Innovation ʺSovereigntyʺ in a Multipolar World?
|
2020
|
|
Countering Zero-Sum Relations in the Middle East::
Insights from the Expert Survey
|
2021
|
|
COVID-19 and the Foreign Policy Perceptions of US Public and Elites
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 and the Oil Price Crash::
Twin Crises Impacting Saudi-Iran Relations
|
2020
|
|
The Covid-19 Crisis and the Mediterranean Basin::
Overcoming Disparities, Promoting Genuine Cooperation
|
2021
|
|
COVID-19 Pandemic Recovery::
If the US and Europe Find the Will, Multilateralism Is the Way
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 Reveals Europe’s Strategic Loneliness
|
2020
|
|
Creating a Union with a “Human Face”::
A European Unemployment Insurance
|
2015
|
|
Crisis and Breakdown::
How Can the EU Foster Resilience in the Middle East and North Africa?
|
2017
|
|
Critical Juncture in Cyprus Negotiations
|
2016
|
|
Cyber Defence in NATO Countries::
Comparing Models
|
2021
|
|
The Cyprus Peace Process Since March 2008::
Short History, State of the Art and What is Next in Store
|
2011
|
|
Dealing with the Ukrainian Crisis::
Transatlantic Strategy Dilemmas
|
2015
|
|
De-colonising the Azerbaijan-Armenian Conflict::
Breaking the Knot of Security and Dependence
|
2023
|
|
Decoupling Trade from Politics::
The EU and Region-Building in the Andes
|
2011
|
|
Defence Spending in Europe in Light of the Economic Crisis
|
2012
|
|
Democracy in Europe::
Politicizing Champions for the European Public Sphere
|
2011
|
|
Democracy in the EU after the Lisbon Treaty
|
2011
|
|
The Democratic Legitimacy of the EU’s Economic Governance and National Parliaments
|
2013
|
|
ʺDevelopment through Acquisitionʺ::
The Domestic Background of Chinaʹs Europe Policy
|
2019
|
|
Developments in and Obstacles to the US Pivot to Asia::
What Alternatives for Europe?
|
2012
|
|
Devising a Consensus-Driven Security Architecture for the MENA Region
|
2020
|
|
Did 2016 Mark a New Start for EU External Migration Policy, or Was It Business as Usual?
|
2016
|
|
Difesa aerea ravvicinata::
sviluppi operativi e tecnologici
|
2022
|
|
Dimensions and Trajectories of Russian Foreign Policy
|
2020
|
|
Dirty Warfare?:
The Application of International Law to Attacks on Nuclear Power Plants in the Conduct of Hostilities
|
2024
|
|
Does the European External Action Service Represent a Model for the Challenges of Global Diplomacy?
|
2011
|
|
The Donald J. Trump Administration as Seen from Tokyo::
Will the US-Japan Alliance Remain Unique?
|
2018
|
|
The Draghi Government and Italy’s International Role.:
Summary Report on Italian Foreign Policy in 2021
|
2022
|
|
Drought, Desertification and Displacement::
Re-Politicising the Climate-Conflict Nexus in the Sahel
|
2022
|
|
Eastern Mediterranean Energy Resources between Energy Security and Energy Transition::
A Regional Perspective
|
2022
|
|
The Eastern Partnership, the Russia-Ukraine War, and the Impact on the South Caucasus
|
2015
|
|
The Economic Agenda between Brazil and the EU::
Prospects for a Bilateral and Global Upgrading
|
2018
|
|
The EEAS and the Western Balkans
|
2011
|
|
The Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on US and European Commitment to the Multilateral Economic Order
|
2020
|
|
Egypt::
Back to Square One?
|
2013
|
|
Egypt in Transition::
Challenges of State and Societal Resilience
|
2017
|
|
Egypt’s Decade of Water Woes
|
2022
|
|
#ElectricYerevan::
Why Armenia’s Future is in Europe
|
2015
|
|
Emerging Powers and Africa::
From Development to Geopolitics
|
2019
|
|
Energia nel Mediterraneo e il ruolo del settore privato
|
2019
|
|
Energy and Human Rights::
Two Irreconcilable Foreign Policy Goals? The Case of the Trans-Caspian Pipeline in EU-Turkmen Relations
|
2012
|
|
Energy and Politics::
Behind the Scenes of the Nabucco-TAP Competition
|
2013
|
|
Energy Resources and Regional Cooperation in the East Mediterranean
|
2016
|
|
Equal Rights as a Basis for Just Peace::
a European Paradigm Shift for Israel/Palestine
|
2021
|
|
Erbil Sends Oil, Ankara Gets Trouble
|
2014
|
|
Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam.:
The Law, History, Politics and Geopolitics behind Africa’s Largest Hydropower Project
|
2022
|
|
The EU and the Korean Peninsula::
Diplomatic Support, Economic Aid and Security Cooperation
|
2017
|
|
The EU and the Libyan Crisis::
In Quest of Coherence?
|
2011
|
|
The EU and the Sahel::
A Laboratory of Experimentation for the Security―Migration―Development Nexus
|
2017
|
|
The EU and the Six-Party Talks
|
2017
|
|
The EU and the Transformed Nuclear Context since the War in Ukraine
|
2023
|
|
EU Engagement with Local Civil Society in the Great Lakes Region
|
2013
|
|
An EU Integrated Approach in the Sahel::
The Role for Governance
|
2019
|
|
The EU One Year after the Covid-19 Outbreak::
An Italian-German Perspective
|
2021
|
|
EU Open Strategic Autonomy in a Post-Covid World::
An Italian Perspective on the Sustainability of Global Value Chains
|
2021
|
|
EU–Africa Partnership on Migration and Mobility in Light of COVID-19::
Perspectives from North Africa
|
2021
|
|
Eurocriticism::
The Eurozone Crisis and Anti-Establishment Groups in Southern Europe
|
2013
|
|
Europe after the Coronavirus::
A “Return of the State”?
|
2020
|
|
Europe and Iran::
The Economic and Commercial Dimensions of a Strained Relationship
|
2018
|
|
Europe and Israel::
A Complex Relationship
|
2016
|
|
Europe—Africa Connectivity Outlook 2021::
Post-Covid-19 Challenges and Strategic Opportunities
|
2021
|
|
European Banking Union::
An Immediate Tool for Euro Crisis Management and a Long-Term Project for the Single Market
|
2014
|
|
The European Commission vs. Gazprom::
An Issue of Fair Competition or a Foreign Policy Quarrel?
|
2013
|
|
The European Commission’s Policy Towards the Southern Gas Corridor::
Between National Interests and Economic Fundamentals
|
2012
|
|
European Defence and Italian-German Cooperation in the Wake of Putin’s War
|
2023
|
|
European Energy Security and the Role of Russian Gas::
Assessing the Feasibility and the Rationale of Reducing Dependence
|
2015
|
|
European External Actions in a Multilateral Arena::
An Analysis of EU Relations with Brazil
|
2018
|
|
The European Migration Crisis::
A Pendulum between the Internal and External Dimensions
|
2019
|
|
European Security and the Future of Transatlantic Relations
|
2011
|
|
European Strategic Autonomy and the US–China Rivalry::
Can the EU “Prefer not to Choose”?
|
2021
|
|
A European Strategy for Democracy, Development and Security for the Mediterranean
|
2011
|
|
European Think Tanks Contact Group on Libya::
Towards a New Common European Narrative on Libya
|
2023
|
|
The European Union and Brazil in the Quest for Global Climate Governance::
Potentials and Perils of a Partnership
|
2018
|
|
The European Union and the Reform of the UN Security Council::
Toward a New Regionalism?
|
2011
|
|
The European Union in a COVID World
|
2020
|
|
The European Union Training Mission in Somalia::
Lessons Learnt for EU Security Sector Reform
|
2011
|
|
The European Union’s Crisis Management After Lisbon::
Addressing New Security Challenges in the 21st Century
|
2013
|
|
Europe’s Area of Maritime Interest in Northeast Asia
|
2022
|
|
Europe’s Evolving Order and the War in Ukraine
|
2023
|
|
Europe’s Missile Defence and Italy::
Capabilities and Cooperation
|
2021
|
|
Europe’s Quest for Digital Sovereignty::
GAIA-X as a Case Study
|
2021
|
|
The EU’s Conditionality Policy::
A New Strategy to Achieve Compliance
|
2012
|
|
The EU’s Diplomatic Engagement in the Sahel
|
2022
|
|
The EU’s Engagement with Latin America::
The Case of Colombia
|
2022
|
|
The EU’s Struggle with Normative Leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2016
|
|
EU–Tunisia Relations::
Unpacking the Conundrum
|
2023
|
|
EU-Turkey Energy Cooperation::
Challenges and Opportunities
|
2014
|
|
The Evolution of Energy Fluxes and Cooperation Models in the Middle East
|
2018
|
|
The Evolution of Turkey’s Syria Policy
|
2017
|
|
The Evolving Security Landscape Around the Arabian Peninsula::
A Saudi Perspective
|
2020
|
|
The Expanding Nexus between Space and Defence
|
2022
|
|
The Expansion of Big Data Companies in the Financial Services Industry, and EU Regulation
|
2019
|
|
FACTS – Real Information for a Brighter Future
|
2021
|
|
Fighting against Food Losses and Waste::
An EU Agenda
|
2017
|
|
Fighting Against Internal and External Threats Simultaneously::
China’s Police and Satellite Cooperation with Autocratic Countries
|
2023
|
|
Financing Energy Access in Sub-Saharan Africa
|
2018
|
|
Financing Infrastructure Investments for Local Communities
|
2021
|
|
The Food-Energy Nexus and Italy–Morocco Cooperation
|
2023
|
|
Forty Years of Camp David, Forty Years Without Peace
|
2018
|
|
Four Years After::
The ˮLong March” of Justice-Sector Reforms in Ukraine
|
2018
|
|
Fragility and Resilience in Iraq
|
2017
|
|
François Hollande’s Presidency::
A New Era in French Foreign Policy?
|
2012
|
|
From 9/11 to Daʹesh::
What Role for the High Representative and the External Dimension of EU Counter-Terrorism Policies?
|
2015
|
|
From Disfunctionality to Disaggregation and Back?:
The Malian Crisis, Local Players and European Interests
|
2013
|
|
From EMU to DEMU::
The Democratic Legitimacy of the EU and the European Parliament
|
2013
|
|
From Revolt to Community-Driven Resistance::
Beirut’s Year of Hell
|
2021
|
|
From Tectonic Shifts to Winds of Change in North Africa and the Middle East::
Europe’s Role
|
2021
|
|
From Threat to Opportunity::
Harnessing Climate Change to Build a Prosperous Future for Iraq and the Region
|
2023
|
|
The Future Is Back::
The EU, Russia and the Kosovo—Serbia Dispute
|
2019
|
|
Future Military Helicopters::
Technological Innovation and Lessons Learned from Ukraine
|
2023
|
|
The Future of Multilateral Security Dialogue in the Mediterranean::
Lessons Learnt, Opportunities and Choices
|
2014
|
|
The Future of Syria and the Regional Arms Race
|
2013
|
|
The Future of the Belt and Road in Europe:
How China’s Connectivity Project is Being Reconfigured across the Old Continent – and What It Means for the Euro-Atlantic Alliance
|
2024
|
|
The Future of the European Convention on Human Rights after the Brighton Conference
|
2012
|
|
The G7 and International Trade
|
2018
|
|
G7 Economic Cooperation in the Trump Era
|
2017
|
|
The G7’s Task for Restoring Growth and Stability
|
2017
|
|
Gas Crisis in Europe::
A Harbinger of Sustainable Cooperation with North Africa
|
2023
|
|
The GCC Countries and the Arab Spring.:
Between Outreach, Patronage and Repression
|
2012
|
|
Gender Issues in Russia
|
2022
|
|
General Zhukov and the Cyborgs::
A Clash of Civilisation within the Ukrainian Armed Forces
|
2015
|
|
The Geopolitical Impact of TTIP::
A Transatlantic Fortress or an Open Platform?
|
2015
|
|
The Geopolitical Promise of TTIP
|
2016
|
|
Geopolitics and Italian Foreign Policy in the Age of Renewable Energy
|
2020
|
|
The Geopolitics of Clean Hydrogen – Opportunities and Challenges for Italy
|
2022
|
|
The Geopolitics of Climate A Transatlantic Dialogue
|
2018
|
|
The Geopolitics of Critical Minerals
|
2019
|
|
The GERD from an Ethiopian Perspective::
Actors, Interests and Instruments
|
2022
|
|
The Germany Italy Wants::
A More Daring Leader of a More United Europe
|
2018
|
|
Germany Prioritizes the Long-term Goal of Sustainability over the Short-term Goal of Revitalizing the World Economy
|
2017
|
|
Germany’s Ostpolitik.:
An Italian Perspective
|
2017
|
|
Global Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) Capital Allocation Strategies Between Impact Ambitions and Measurement Challenges
|
2021
|
|
Global Turkey in Europe:
Political, Economic, and Foreign Policy Dimensions of Turkey’s Evolving Relationship with the EU
|
2013
|
|
Global Turkey in Europe II:
Energy, Migration, Civil Society and Citizenship Issues in Turkey-EU Relations
|
2014
|
|
Global Turkey in Europe III:
Democracy, Trade, and the Kurdish Question in Turkey-EU Relations
|
2015
|
|
Governance Challenges of the EU’s 2030 Energy and Climate Framework
|
2014
|
|
Green Deal Watch:
A green recovery from the COVID-19 crisis?
|
2020
|
|
Guerre nella globalizzazione::
il futuro della sicurezza europea
|
2020
|
|
The Gulf Cooperation Councilʹs Shift to Gas.:
Avoiding Another Fossil Fuel Trap
|
2018
|
|
Heroes or Villains?:
Volunteer Battalions in Post-Maidan Ukraine
|
2015
|
|
Hirak’s Trajectory and the “New Algeria”
|
2021
|
|
HOPE for a New Regional Security Architecture::
Toward a Hormuz Community
|
2020
|
|
How Can the G20 Support Innovative Mechanisms to Mobilise Financial Resources for LDCs in a Post-Pandemic World?
|
2021
|
|
How Israel Can Turn the Unrest in the Middle East into an Opportunity for Peacemaking
|
2011
|
|
Hydrocarbons Will Determine the Political Future of Cyprus
|
2019
|
|
Il dominio spaziale e la minaccia cyber
|
2023
|
|
Il futuro della Nato::
lʹAlleanza euro-atlantica nella guerra in tempo di pace
|
2020
|
|
Il mondo del dopo-Covid è già qui…
|
2020
|
|
Il Piano nazionale di ripresa e resilienza::
approvazione, implementazione e governance
|
2022
|
|
Il Regno Unito post-Brexit tra Ue e Usa
|
2019
|
|
Il sistema-Paese Italia di fronte alle sfide dello spazio::
tra space economy, cooperazioni internazionali e cybersecurity
|
2023
|
|
The Image of Crisis-Ridden Europe and the Division Between Creditor and Debtor Countries::
The Case of Italy
|
2012
|
|
Imagining Europe::
Towards a More United and Effective EU
|
2014
|
|
Immigration Policy in Italy::
Problems and Perspectives
|
2017
|
|
The Impact of the Oil Crisis on the MENA Region
|
2020
|
|
The Impact of the Syrian Crisis on Lebanon.:
Local and Regional Rationales for Hezbollah’s Involvement in Syria
|
2013
|
|
Implications of COVID-19 on East Africa–EU Partnership on Migration and Forced Displacement
|
2021
|
|
Implications of the COVID-19 Pandemic for Africa–EU Partnership on Migration and Mobility::
A Developmental Perspective from West Africa
|
2021
|
|
Implications of the COVID-19 Pandemic for the Africa–EU Partnership Agenda on Migration and Mobility::
A Continental Perspective
|
2020
|
|
Implications of Turkish-Azerbaijani Relations for Regional Security and Development
|
2013
|
|
In Search of a New Equilibrium.:
Economic Imbalances in the Eurozone
|
2015
|
|
India 2014::
Return of the One-Party Dominant System
|
2014
|
|
Indiaʹs Institutional Governance and the Energy Transition
|
2018
|
|
Industrial Production in Support of European and Transatlantic Defence
|
2023
|
|
The Informal Europeanization of EU Member State Immigration Policies
|
2012
|
|
Information warfare::
analisi della vittoria ucraina nell’operazione Kherson
|
2023
|
|
The Innovations of the Italian White Paper::
Defence Policy Reform
|
2017
|
|
An International Peacekeeper.:
The Evolution of Italian Foreign and Defence Policy
|
2022
|
|
The Internationalisation of the Chinese Renminbi and China’s Digital Currency Plans
|
2023
|
|
Iran and the Intra-GCC Crisis::
Risks and Opportunities
|
2019
|
|
Iraq’s Tishreen Movement::
A Decade of Protests and Mobilisation
|
2021
|
|
Is Europe to Benefit from China’s Belt and Road Initiative?
|
2015
|
|
Is the European Model Relevant for ASEAN?
|
2014
|
|
Is There an Islamist Alternative in Egypt?
|
2011
|
|
Israel and Iran’s Nuclear Weapon Programme::
Roll Back or Containment?
|
2011
|
|
Israel and Iraqi Kurds in a Transforming Middle East
|
2016
|
|
Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring::
No Time for Peace
|
2012
|
|
Israel Remains on the Right.:
The Historical Reasons Behind a Long-established Political Supremacy
|
2013
|
|
Israel’s Policies toward Asylum-Seekers::
2002-2014
|
2015
|
|
The Italian Civil Security System
|
2014
|
|
Italian Missions Abroad::
National Interests and Procedural Practice
|
2013
|
|
Italian Peacekeeping Missions::
Vast, Praised and Underused
|
2020
|
|
Italian—Turkish Economic Relations::
An Overview
|
2020
|
|
Italy and Norway::
Perspectives for a Further Energy Cooperation
|
2023
|
|
Italy and Saudi Arabia confronting the challenges of the XXI century
|
2013
|
|
Italy and Security in the Mediterranean
|
2016
|
|
Italy and the Renegotiation of the UK’s EU Membership
|
2015
|
|
Italy between the Draghi and Meloni Governments
|
2023
|
|
Italy’s Defence Policy and Possible Points of Contact with Norway
|
2023
|
|
Italy’s Love Affair with the EU::
Between Continuity and Change
|
2011
|
|
Itʹs the Economy Stupid::
How Libyaʹs Civil War Is Rooted in Its Economic Structures
|
2019
|
|
Japan’s Approach to Northeast Asian Security::
Between Nationalism and (Reluctant) Multilateralism
|
2017
|
|
Juggling Security, Democracy and Development in the Caucasus::
What Role for the EU?
|
2013
|
|
The Khartoum Process::
Critical Assessment and Policy Recommendations
|
2015
|
|
La Bussola strategica Ue e dodici sfide per l’Italia
|
2022
|
|
La collaborazione italo-britannica nel settore della difesa e sicurezza dopo la Brexit
|
2021
|
|
La difesa missilistica dell’Europa e l’Italia::
capacità e cooperazione Executive summary
|
2021
|
|
La governance globale dei dati e la sovranità digitale europea
|
2021
|
|
La sicurezza italiana e la guerra contro l’Ucraina::
i punti di vista degli esperti
|
2023
|
|
LA TRASFORMAZIONE DELLE FORZE ARMATE::
IL PROGRAMMA FORZA NEC
|
2011
|
|
Lake Chad::
Another Protracted Crisis in the Sahel or a Regional Exception?
|
2021
|
|
A Last Line of Defence::
A Strategy for Europe to Preserve the Iran Nuclear Deal
|
2019
|
|
Le capacità missilistiche ipersoniche::
stato dell’arte e implicazioni per l’Italia
|
2023
|
|
Le elezioni negli Stati Uniti
|
2020
|
|
Le iniziative diplomatiche per il cyberspazio::
punti di forza e di debolezza
|
2021
|
|
Le opzioni di riforma del mercato per un sistema italiano dellʹenergia affidabile, redditizio e decarbonizzato
|
2019
|
|
Le relazioni transatlantiche al tempo del digitale::
la questione del trasferimento di dati
|
2021
|
|
The Legacy of Post-Neoliberal Integration in South America::
The Cases of ALBA and UNASUR
|
2018
|
|
Legislation as a Tool for Expanding the Power of the State and Limiting Political and Civil Rights in Modern Russia
|
2022
|
|
Lessons Learned from the Mozambican Peace Process
|
2013
|
|
Let’s Learn Judo with Putin.:
Sport, Power and Masculinity in 21st-Century Russia
|
2023
|
|
Libra and the Others::
The Future of Digital Money
|
2018
|
|
L’Italia e la difesa cibernetica
|
2021
|
|
L’Italia nello spazio::
collaborazioni e prospettive future
|
2023
|
|
A Long-Term Perspective on NATO and the Multinational Order
|
2019
|
|
L’Unione europea oltre il trauma.:
Secondo Dialogo di cittadinanza sul futuro dell’Europa
|
2021
|
|
L’Unione europea tra autonomia strategica e sovranità tecnologica::
problemi e opportunità
|
2021
|
|
Main Drivers and Policy Options for a Differentiated EU::
A Scenario-Based Exercise
|
2023
|
|
The Management and Use of Natural Resources and their Potential for Economic and Social Development in the Mediterranean
|
2013
|
|
Mapping Member States’ Stances in a Post-Brexit European Union
|
2016
|
|
Mapping Scenarios of Differentiated EUrope 2025–2035
|
2023
|
|
Mapping the Proliferation of Parliamentary Actors in the Mediterranean::
Facilitating or Hindering Cooperation?
|
2017
|
|
Maritime Scenario in the Mediterranean::
Analysis of the Competitiveness and Investments of the Major Logistics Players
|
2022
|
|
Media and Securitisation::
The Influence on Perception
|
2021
|
|
The Middle East’s Evolving Security Landscape::
Prospects for Regional Cooperation and US Engagement
|
2020
|
|
The Migration and Asylum Crisis as a Transformative Shock for Europe.:
Brief Thoughts on the Eve of the Next Summit
|
2015
|
|
The Migration Paradox and EU-Turkey Relations
|
2017
|
|
Military Innovation and Defence Acquisition::
Lessons from the F-35 Programme
|
2020
|
|
“Mixed Signals” Still?:
The EU’s Democracy and Human Rights Policy Since the Outbreak of the Arab Spring
|
2012
|
|
The Moral Enigma of an Intervention in Syria::
A Just War Analysis
|
2012
|
|
More Than a Trading Power.:
Europe’s Political Added Value for Security and Trust Building in Northeast Asia
|
2017
|
|
Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined::
Constitutional Insights pre- and post-2011
|
2013
|
|
Morocco::
A Decade of Popular Struggles and Monarchy Resistance
|
2021
|
|
The Multilateralisation of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict::
A Call for an EU Initiative
|
2015
|
|
Myanmar’s Rocky Road to Democracy
|
2017
|
|
The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict::
Current Trends and Future Scenarios
|
2011
|
|
NAPCI and Trilateral Cooperation::
Prospects for South Korea-EU Relations
|
2017
|
|
NATO and European Security::
Back to the Roots?
|
2015
|
|
NATO’s Current and Future Support for Arms Control, Disarmament and Non-proliferation
|
2020
|
|
NATOʹs Future::
Euro-Atlantic Alliance in a Peacetime War
|
2020
|
|
NATO’s Posture after the Wales Summit
|
2014
|
|
NATO’s Role in Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Arms Control::
A (Critical) History
|
2021
|
|
Natural Gas in South-east Asia::
Key Trends and Long-term Outlook
|
2021
|
|
Naval Combat Systems::
Developments and Challenges
|
2023
|
|
Naval Defence Cooperation in the EU::
Potential and Hurdles
|
2022
|
|
Negotiating the European Union’s Dilemmas::
Proposals on Governing Europe
|
2016
|
|
The Neighbourhood Policy is Dead.:
What’s Next for European Foreign Policy Along its Arc of Instability?
|
2014
|
|
The New Energy Resources in the Centre-East Mediterranean::
Potential Current and Future Geo-Strategic Consequences
|
2016
|
|
The New European Commission’s Green Deal and Geopolitical Language::
A Critique from a Decentring Perspective
|
2020
|
|
The New Governance of the Economic and Monetary Union::
Adapted Institutions and Innovative Instruments
|
2013
|
|
The New Sea People::
China in the Mediterranean
|
2018
|
|
The New Turn in Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the Middle East::
Regional and Domestic Insecurities
|
2020
|
|
New Visions for the Western Balkans::
EU Accession and Regional Security
|
2023
|
|
The Next Generation Soldier::
A System of Systems Approach?
|
2021
|
|
Next Generation Soldier Executive summary
|
2021
|
|
Normative Power Europe at a Crossroads?:
The Normative Dimensions of the EU’s Relations with ASEAN and ECOWAS
|
2024
|
|
North and South Korea::
A Frozen Conflict on the Verge of Unfreezing?
|
2011
|
|
Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order::
Power Politics, Trust Building and the Role of the EU
|
2017
|
|
Nuclear Risk Reduction::
Looking Back, Moving Forward, and the Role of NATO
|
2020
|
|
Off Track.:
The EUʹs Re-engagement with the Western Balkans
|
2019
|
|
The Offshore Nexus, Sanctions and the Russian Crisis
|
2015
|
|
Oil Price Volatility and the Implications for European Foreign and Security Policy
|
2016
|
|
Oltre un secolo di potere aereo::
teoria e pratica
|
2024
|
|
On European Power
|
2019
|
|
On the Road to Paris::
How Can the EU Avoid Failure at the UN Climate Change Conference (COP 21)?
|
2015
|
|
One Belt One Voice::
Chinese Media in Italy
|
2021
|
|
Opportunities for Green Growth::
In Search of Multilateral Coordination
|
2021
|
|
Opting for Second Best in Libya?
|
2011
|
|
The OSCE as Sisyphus::
Mediation, Peace Operations, Human Rights
|
2021
|
|
The OSCE Asian Partnership::
Developments and Thematic Priorities
|
2021
|
|
The OSCE’s Mediterranean Rimland::
Ten Years of Arab Uprisings
|
2021
|
|
Overhauling EU Policy in the Mediterranean.:
Towards More Inclusive, Responsive and Flexible Policies
|
2015
|
|
An Overview of the Current State of US-Italian Political-Security Relations
|
2022
|
|
An Overview of US-Italian Relations::
The Legacy of the Past
|
2022
|
|
Pax Americana vs. Inclusive Security in the Middle East
|
2020
|
|
A People’s Army::
Civil Society as a Security Actor in Post-Maidan Ukraine
|
2015
|
|
Per ripartire.:
Alcune considerazioni sul modello di sviluppo e la prospettiva dell’industria della Difesa
|
2020
|
|
Per un’intelligenza artificiale a misura d’uomo::
una possibile regolamentazione valoriale?
|
2020
|
|
Piazze mediterranee e relazioni internazionali
|
2020
|
|
Political Stability in Authoritarian Regimes::
Lessons from the Arab Uprisings
|
2013
|
|
Popular Mobilisation and Authoritarian Reconstitution in the Middle East and North Africa::
Ten Years of Arab Uprisings
|
2021
|
|
The Post-COVID-19 Trajectory for Algeria, Morocco and the Western Sahara
|
2021
|
|
The Potential and Limits of the European Union as a Mediator in the Dialogue Between Serbia and Kosovo
|
2022
|
|
Power Shifts and the Risk of a ʺCrisis Within the Crisisʺ::
COVID, Oil and the MENA Region
|
2020
|
|
Powering Change.:
Italian and EU Energy Transition in Times of War
|
2022
|
|
Presidential Elections in Armenia and the Opposition’s Long March
|
2013
|
|
“Principled Pragmatism” Reset::
For a Recalibration of the EU’s Diplomatic Engagement with the MENA Region
|
2021
|
|
Promoting Stability and Development in Africa::
How to Foster Cooperation between Public and Private Sectors
|
2015
|
|
A Proposal for G7/G20 Policy Coordination to Strengthen Global Productivity and Output Growth
|
2017
|
|
Pros and Cons of Proactive Political Leadership::
A Review of the Legacy of the ʺLast Chanceʺ Commission
|
2019
|
|
Prospects for Energy Transition in the Mediterranean after COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
Putin vs Monnet::
European Resilience, Energy and the Ukraine War
|
2022
|
|
Putting Development at the Centre of G20 Policy Agenda::
Lessons for the T20
|
2022
|
|
A Pyramid of Multilateral Confidence-Building Measures in the Middle East
|
2020
|
|
Qatar’s Resilience Strategy and Implications for State―Society Relations
|
2017
|
|
The Quest for European Strategic Autonomy – A Collective Reflection
|
2020
|
|
The Quest for Political Reform in Azerbaijan::
What Role for the Transatlantic Community?
|
2012
|
|
The Quest to Launch Regional Integration Processes in West Asia and the Arabian Peninsula
|
2020
|
|
Raising Awareness Together::
How Can the EU Engage with Civil Society to Promote Sustainable Lifestyles?
|
2012
|
|
Reframing EU–Tunisia Relations::
Democracy, Governance, Migration
|
2023
|
|
A Regime Unveiled Social and Ethno-Sectarian Tensions and Democratic Evolution in Iran
|
2022
|
|
Regional Geopolitical Rivalries in the Middle East::
Implications for Europe
|
2018
|
|
Rehashed Commission Delegations or Real Embassies?:
EU Delegations Post-Lisbon
|
2011
|
|
Reinventing Soft Power::
The Strong Impact of China’s Soft Power “Shortcomings” on the Global South
|
2023
|
|
A Resilience Approach to a Failed Accession State::
The Case of Turkey
|
2017
|
|
Rethinking EU Energy Policies Towards the Southern Mediterranean Region
|
2014
|
|
Rethinking the EU’s Mediterranean Policies Post-1/11
|
2011
|
|
Re-thinking Western Policies in Light of the Arab Uprising
|
2012
|
|
A Return of Armies to the Forefront of Arab Politics?
|
2011
|
|
Reviewing NATO’s Non-proliferation and Disarmament Policy
|
2021
|
|
Reviewing the Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Regimes
|
2015
|
|
Rising Tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean::
Implications for Turkish Foreign Policy
|
2012
|
|
Roadblocks and Avenues for Brazil-Europe Cooperation::
Exploring a Wider Security Agenda
|
2018
|
|
The Rohingya Predicament.:
Why Myanmarʹs Army Gets Away with Ethnic Cleansing
|
2019
|
|
The Role of Dual-Use Helicopters in the Security and Defence Field
|
2015
|
|
The Role of Italian Fighter Aircraft in Crisis Management Operations::
Trends and Needs
|
2014
|
|
Rome-Beijing::
Changing the Game Italyʹs Embrace of Chinaʹs Connectivity Project, Implications for the EU and the US
|
2019
|
|
Russia Plays on Azerbaijan’s Insecurity but Sinks into Its Own Troubles
|
2013
|
|
The Russian Economy Is Muddling Through the Sanctions War
|
2022
|
|
Russian Youth::
Their Attitude to the Ruling Elite and Political Processes
|
2022
|
|
Russia’s Climate Action and Geopolitics of Energy Transition::
The Uncertain and Unsettling Outlook following Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy in the Middle East::
Entering the 2020s
|
2020
|
|
Russiaʹs Pivot to Asia::
Myths and Realities
|
2015
|
|
Russiaʹs View of Ukraine after the Crisis
|
2016
|
|
Second Revolution on Euromaidan::
What Next for Ukraine?
|
2014
|
|
The Security-Migration-Development Nexus in the Sahel::
A Reality Check
|
2017
|
|
Seeing Tunisia’s Civil Society During Un-civil Times
|
2024
|
|
The September UN Vote on Palestine::
Will the EU Be Up to the Challenge?
|
2011
|
|
Serious and Existential::
The Clinton and Trump Challenges to Transatlantic Relations
|
2016
|
|
Shaping the Political Order of the Middle East::
Crisis and Opportunity
|
2019
|
|
Short Range Air Defence::
Operational and Technological Developments
|
2022
|
|
Silk Road Academic Connections::
China–Italy Cooperation in Higher Education and Its Implications for the West
|
2021
|
|
The Sinatra Doctrine.:
How the EU Should Deal with the US—China Competition
|
2020
|
|
Sinicisation, the Tribute System and Dynasties::
Three Concepts to Justify Colonialism and Attack non-Sinitic Diversity in the People’s Republic of China
|
2023
|
|
Sistemi di combattimento navali::
sviluppi e sfide
|
2023
|
|
Small-scale LNG in the Euro-Mediterranean::
A Contribution to the Decarbonisation of the Maritime Sector
|
2023
|
|
So Close Yet So Far Apart.:
Facilitating Dialogue and Cooperation across the Persian Gulf
|
2020
|
|
The Somali Crisis::
Failed State and International Interventions
|
2012
|
|
Somalia::
A Long Road Ahead
|
2016
|
|
The South East Europe Pipeline::
Greater Benefit for a Greater Number of Actors
|
2012
|
|
The Southern Gas Corridor::
Europe’s Lifeline?
|
2014
|
|
Space and European Digital Sovereignty
|
2021
|
|
Space – Exploring NATO’s Final Frontier
|
2023
|
|
Spazio e difesa: un legame crescente.:
Executive summary
|
2022
|
|
The Sporting Sanctions against Russia::
Debunking the Myth of Sport’s Neutrality
|
2022
|
|
The State of EU-US Digital and Energy Cooperation
|
2024
|
|
The State-Migration Nexus in the Gulf in Light of the Arab Uprisings
|
2013
|
|
Statistical Factsheet:
Geopolitics and Italian Foreign Policy in the Age of Renewable Energies
|
2020
|
|
Stepping Up Climate Action in Sub-Saharan Africa::
The Role of G20 and COP26
|
2021
|
|
Stop Mass Atrocities:
Advancing EU Cooperation with Other International Organizations
|
2013
|
|
Strategic Autonomy in Post-Covid Trade Policy::
How Far Should We Politicise Supply Chains?
|
2021
|
|
Strategy and Its Role in the Future of European Defence Integration
|
2013
|
|
Strengthening the Africa-EU Partnership on Peace and Security::
How to Engage African Regional Organizations and Civil Society
|
2012
|
|
Strengthening the EU’s External Action::
The Need for an EU Food Diplomacy?
|
2016
|
|
Striking a Balance Between Norms and Interests in Italian Foreign Policy::
The Balkans and Libya
|
2011
|
|
A Stronger Italian-German Partnership::
Closer Cooperation in Time of Energy Crisis
|
2023
|
|
Structural Shifts and Regional Security::
A View from Israel
|
2020
|
|
The Struggle over the Egyptian Public Sphere
|
2015
|
|
Sudan’s Transition in the Balance
|
2021
|
|
Supporting NAPCI and Trilateral Cooperation::
Prospects for Korea-EU Relations
|
2017
|
|
The Syrian File The Role of the Opposition in a Multi-Layered Conflict
|
2013
|
|
Syriaʹs Impact on the Kurdish Peace Process in Turkey
|
2017
|
|
Tech Giants in Banking::
The Implications of a New Market Power
|
2019
|
|
Technological Competition::
Can the EU Compete with China?
|
2021
|
|
Technological Innovation and Defence::
The Forza NEC Program in the Euro–Atlantic Framework
|
2016
|
|
Tecnologia e azione pubblica in Cina::
il codice sanitario individuale e le principali tendenze delle politiche digitali cinesi contemporanee
|
2020
|
|
Thinking Beyond TAP::
Turkey’s Role in the Southern Energy Corridor
|
2013
|
|
This Time is Different.:
The “COVID-Shock” and Future of the Global Oil Market
|
2020
|
|
Towards a Stronger Africa-EU Cooperation on Peace and Security::
The Role of African Regional Organizations and Civil Society
|
2012
|
|
Towards COP26::
Detangling the Knots of Climate Negotiations
|
2021
|
|
Towards European “Smart Communities”?:
EU’s Energy Preoccupations and the Lesson of Post-Fukushima Japan
|
2022
|
|
Towards Putin’s Last Presidency?
|
2018
|
|
Towards the Energy Union::
The BEMIP and the Case of Lithuania
|
2017
|
|
The Transatlantic Dimension of Europe’s Nuclear Diplomacy with Iran::
2003—21
|
2021
|
|
Transatlantic Security from the Sahel to the Horn of Africa
|
2014
|
|
The transformation of the armed forces::
the Forza NEC program
|
2012
|
|
The Transformative Potential of AI and the Role of G7
|
2024
|
|
Transitional Justice in Iraq::
The Challenges of National Healing and Recovery
|
2023
|
|
Transizioni e innovazioni::
implicazioni per le policy italiane e internazionali
|
2023
|
|
A Trilateral EU-US-Turkey Strategy for the Neighbourhood::
The Urgency of Now
|
2012
|
|
Trust Building and Regional Identity in Northeast Asia
|
2017
|
|
The Tunisian Revolution::
An Opportunity for Democratic Transition
|
2011
|
|
Tunisia’s Quest for Democracy::
Unfinished Domestic Revolution and Regional Geopolitical Entanglements
|
2021
|
|
The Turkey-Azerbaijan Energy Partnership in the Context of the Southern Corridor
|
2014
|
|
Turkey’s Energy Strategy and its Role in the EU’s Southern Gas Corridor
|
2014
|
|
Turkey’s Kurdish Gamble
|
2013
|
|
Turkeyʹs Migration Policy Revisited::
(Dis)Continuities and Peculiarities
|
2018
|
|
Turkey’s Potential Role in the Emerging South-Eastern Mediterranean Energy Corridor
|
2014
|
|
Turmoil in South America and the Impact on Energy Markets
|
2019
|
|
The Two Souls of the Egyptian Revolution and Its Decline.:
A Socio-Political Perspective
|
2021
|
|
Una strategia europea di democrazia, sviluppo e sicurezza per il Mediterraneo
|
2011
|
|
Una visione strategica delle relazioni franco-italiane::
per un trattato bilaterale?
|
2020
|
|
An Uncertain Road to Peace::
Domestic and Regional Challenges in the Turkish-Kurdish Process
|
2013
|
|
The Underwater Environment and Europe’s Defence and Security
|
2023
|
|
The Uneasy Balance:
Potential and Challenges of the West’s Relations with the Gulf States
|
2013
|
|
Unione europea::
cittadinanza e beni comuni europei
|
2021
|
|
Unlocking European Defence.:
In Search of the Long Overdue Paradigm Shift
|
2021
|
|
Unpacking Lebanon’s Resilience::
Undermining State Institutions and Consolidating the System?
|
2017
|
|
The US—China 5G Contest::
Options for Europe
|
2019
|
|
US—China Rivalry and European Strategic Autonomy in the post-Covid Global Economy
|
2021
|
|
The US-EU Energy Trade Dilemma
|
2015
|
|
The US-Europe vs. Russia Triangle
|
2018
|
|
The US–Italy Economic Relations in a Divided World
|
2022
|
|
Van Wittel/Vanvitelli Dialogue Policy Roundtable
|
2023
|
|
Van Wittel/Vanvitelli Roundtable Policy Report
|
2021
|
|
Varieties of Banking Union::
Resolution Regimes and Backstops in Europe and the US
|
2018
|
|
Vested Interest or Moral Indecisiveness?:
Explaining the EU’s Silence on the US Targeted Killing Policy in Pakistan
|
2012
|
|
Viralità della viralità, dice QAnon.:
Tutto è viralità. Analisi di una psy-op
|
2021
|
|
The War in Ukraine and the Future of Non-proliferation and Arms Control in the European Continent
|
2023
|
|
Warfare and Geopolitics in Europe’s Southern Neighbourhood::
Implications for NATO
|
2021
|
|
Water Politics.:
How Sudan’s Turbulent Transition toward Democracy Has Led It to Compromise Its Own Well-Being over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam
|
2022
|
|
The Water-Energy-Food Nexus in Libya, UAE, Egypt and Iraq
|
2022
|
|
The West and the Middle East After the Iran Nuclear Deal
|
2015
|
|
West-Russia Relations in Light of the Ukraine Crisis
|
2015
|
|
What Potential for Cooperation between the EU and Turkey on Diversification of Gas Supply?
|
2015
|
|
What Role for the European Commission in the New Governance of the Economic and Monetary Union?
|
2013
|
|
What to Expect from the United States::
A Look Ahead at US Foreign Policy
|
2020
|
|
When Domestic Factors Prevail Upon Foreign Ambitions::
Russia’s Strategic Game in Syria
|
2012
|
|
Where is Israel Heading?
|
2013
|
|
Whither the inter-Korean Dialogue?:
Assessing Seoul’s Trustpolitik and Its Future Prospects
|
2017
|
|
Who Needs Whom?:
Turkey and Israel Agree on Normalization Deal
|
2016
|
|
Why Does the Islamic State Endure and Expand?
|
2015
|
|
Why Ukraine (and Moldova) Must Become EU Candidates
|
2022
|
|
Why Youth Empowerment Can Sustain Tunisia’s Democratic Consolidation
|
2016
|
|
The Winner is TAP::
The EU’s Failed Policy in the South Caucasus
|
2013
|
|
Winning Back the ʺLeft Behindʺ::
Iranʹs New Nationalist Agenda
|
2018
|
|
Women and Conflicts::
What Role for Women Mediator Networks?
|
2023
|
|
Women and Peace Operations::
The Achievement of the Italian Mission in Herat
|
2017
|
|
The World We Live In.:
Megatrends in Global Security, Economy and Governance
|
2012
|
|
The ʺYellow-Greenʺ Governmentʹs Foreign Policy
|
2019
|