|
10 år i Afghanistan – hva nå?:
Utenriksdepartementets sikkerhetspolitiske utvalg 29. september 2011
|
2011
|
|
50 Years After the Moon Landing::
Why Europe Should Lead the Next 50
|
2019
|
|
Adapting to turbulent waters::
EU maritime security and implications for Norway
|
2023
|
|
Afghanistan and regional instability::
A risk assessment
|
2008
|
|
Afghanistan og Sentral-Asia mot 2014:
Oppsummering av prosjekt og anbefalinger
|
2013
|
|
The Arctic Council and US domestic policymaking
|
2019
|
|
AUKUS and its implications for Asia, US-European relations and non-proliferation
|
2021
|
|
Bastionforsvaret og Russlands militærmakt:
Et utdatert trusselbilde?
|
2021
|
|
Belated Courtship?:
The Uneasy Partnership between Brazil and the EU
|
2012
|
|
Beyond the crisis in Ukraine:
Russian and EU perceptions of European security and potential implications for Europe and Norway
|
2015
|
|
Beyond the ‘New Horizon’:
Proceedings from the UN Peacekeeping Future Challenges Seminar Geneva, 23–24 June 2010
|
2010
|
|
Blikk på EØS 30 år
|
2024
|
|
Bottlenecks to Deployment?:
The Challenges of Deploying Civilian Personnel to Peace Operations
|
2009
|
|
BRI in Central Asia::
Energy Connectivity Projects
|
2019
|
|
BRI in Central Asia::
Overview of Chinese Projects
|
2019
|
|
BRI in Central Asia::
Mineral and Petroleum Exploration, Extraction and Processing Projects
|
2019
|
|
BRICS, Energy and the New World Order:
A study by NUPI for ONS Summit 2012: The geopolitics of energy
|
2012
|
|
Brothers in Arms and Faith?:
The Emerging US-Central and Eastern Europe ‘Special Relationship’
|
2020
|
|
Brunei Darussalam::
How to Build an Investment Climate for Renewable Energy?
|
2020
|
|
Building Bridges for Success::
Rethinking Peace Operations Training for Complex Environments
|
2017
|
|
Bulwark, Bridge, or Periphery?:
Polish discourse on Poland and Europe
|
2001
|
|
Burden-sharing in NATO:
The Trump effect won’t last
|
2017
|
|
Business as usual?:
The private sector’s changing role in Arctic environmental governance
|
2019
|
|
Cambodia::
Five Actions to Improve the Business Climate for Renewable Energy Investment
|
2020
|
|
Can NATO’s new Very High Readiness Joint Task force deter?
|
2016
|
|
Can trade preferences stimulate sectoral development?:
The case of Namibian and Botswanan beef exports to Norway
|
2020
|
|
Casting the net too deep and too wide?:
UN local peacebuilding-peacekeeping nexus in South Sudan
|
2012
|
|
Central Asia::
A Testing Ground for New Great-Power Relations
|
2008
|
|
The challenge of IUU fishing in West Africa and The Potential Technology Solutions::
An analysis of international cooperation projects in Ghana and Guinea-Bissau
|
2022
|
|
Challenges to Implementing the Protection of Civilians Agenda
|
2012
|
|
Chechen Scholars on Chechnya
|
2010
|
|
China and South Asia Crisis Management in the Era of Great Power Competition
|
2020
|
|
China in the Sustainable Development Agenda::
Key Institutions for International Engagement
|
2020
|
|
China in the Sustainable Development Agenda::
Key environmental issues and responses
|
2020
|
|
China in the Sustainable Development Agenda::
Contributions to health and education
|
2020
|
|
China, India and the political economy of medical supplies
|
2020
|
|
The China-Europe Freight Train and the War in Ukraine::
Triumph and Tribulations in Transcontinental Shipping
|
2022
|
|
China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the New Eurasian Order
|
2016
|
|
China’s cyber sovereignty
|
2017
|
|
China’s EU policy in the pandemic era A new normal?
|
2020
|
|
China’s Evolving Approach to UN Peacekeeping in Africa
|
2020
|
|
China’s Export Success:
Due to Unfair Practices or Fair Competition?
|
2019
|
|
China’s Political Priorities in the Nordic Countries::
from technology to core interests
|
2016
|
|
Chinese digi-tech politics::
Steering growth, spurring innovation, and reinforcing control
|
2021
|
|
Chips in the crosshairs
|
2024
|
|
Civil Society and Arab Transitions::
A New Beginning?
|
2013
|
|
The Civilian Capacities Initiative and Gender-Responsive Peace-building::
An Inclusive Approach?
|
2013
|
|
Civilian Capacity in United Nations Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding Missions
|
2010
|
|
The Civilian Casualty Tracking Analysis and Response Cell in the African Union Mission in Somalia:
An emerging best practice for AU peace support operations?
|
2019
|
|
Climate, Peace and Security Fact Sheet:
Sahel
|
2021
|
|
Climate, Peace and Security Fact Sheet:
Mali
|
2021
|
|
Climate, Peace and Security Fact Sheet:
Somalia
|
2021
|
|
Climate, Peace and Security Fact Sheet:
South Sudan
|
2021
|
|
Collective defence in Europe::
What place for the EU?
|
2023
|
|
Colombia between peace and war:
The 2018 presidential elections and the way forward
|
2018
|
|
Combating Sexual Violence in the DRC:
From Resolutions to Practice
|
2009
|
|
Coming into the Cold::
Asia’s Arctic Interests
|
2013
|
|
Command and Control in Northern Europe::
Challenges and Potential Solutions
|
2023
|
|
Components of Naval Nuclear Fuel Transparency
|
2002
|
|
Contextualizing peacebuilding activities to local circumstances – Liberian case-study
|
2012
|
|
Conventional arms control on the Korean Peninsula:
The current state and prospects
|
2020
|
|
Cooperation in an Era of Strategic Competition:
EU-NATO Relations in the Context of War and Rivalry
|
2023
|
|
“Copy That...”::
A Russian “Bush Doctrine” in the CIS?
|
2005
|
|
Covid-19 and globalisation::
a poverty perspective on tourism and remittances
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 and the African Union:
Challenges, prospects and side-effects
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 in Latin America:
Challenges, responses, and consequences
|
2020
|
|
COVID-19 will change the way the UN conducts peacekeeping operations in the future
|
2020
|
|
Creating Security through Immigration Control:
An analysis of European immigration discourse and the development towards a common EU asylum and immigration policy
|
2003
|
|
Critical Materials for Development::
A New Trajectory for Norwegian Foreign Aid Policy
|
2023
|
|
Critical Perspectives on Contemporary Peacebuilding::
Towards Change in Concepts and Approaches
|
2010
|
|
Cyber Security Capacity Building in Developing Countries
|
2015
|
|
Cyber Security Capacity Building in Myanmar
|
2018
|
|
Damage Limitation and Decline in Institutional Powers::
Russia’s Perception of the EU as a Security Actor 1999–2002
|
2003
|
|
Deterrence and (Re)assurance in the High North:
Finland and Norway Compared
|
2024
|
|
Digital technology and development:
Part 1 of 4 in the series: Digital technology and international politics
|
2021
|
|
Emerging powers and peace operations::
An agenda for research
|
2014
|
|
Emerging Powers and the Responsibility to Protect after Libya
|
2012
|
|
End of an era::
Future of Nordic security from a Finnish perspective
|
2022
|
|
Energizing Russia’s Pivot::
Japan-Russia energy relations, post-Fukushima and post-Ukraine
|
2015
|
|
Enhancing the Effectiveness of the G5 Sahel Force by Strengthening Strategic Coherence and International Support
|
2021
|
|
Etterlevelse, tilpasning eller avvik:
ILOs konvensjoner om kollektiv forhandlingsrett og organisasjonsfrihet og RuBeKa-landene
|
2011
|
|
The EU, Russia and Ukraine::
a double track with no end?
|
2015
|
|
EU-Asia Relations::
A New Start?
|
2013
|
|
The European Council and Defence::
The State of our Ambition
|
2013
|
|
European Defence and Third Countries after Brexit
|
2018
|
|
European defence beyond institutional boundaries::
Improved European defence through flexibility, differentiation and coordination
|
2021
|
|
The European Defence Fund and Norway
|
2020
|
|
The European Gas Puzzle::
Over-Securitization, Dilemmas and Multi-level Gas Politics on the European Continent a Year after ‘Euromaidan’
|
2014
|
|
The European Maritime Security and Defence Policy Architecture::
Implications for Norway
|
2021
|
|
European Security & the Power of Knowledge-based Networks
|
2015
|
|
The European Union and Peacebuilding
|
2016
|
|
Europeanisation of Norwegian security and defence policy:
Nordic cooperation as vehicle
|
2022
|
|
The EU’s international cyber and digital engagements
|
2024
|
|
Evaluation Report Save the Children Guatemala
|
2008
|
|
Expectations for the Warsaw Summit::
Conventional and nuclear responses to Russian belligerence
|
2016
|
|
Explaining Russian reactions to increased NATO military presence
|
2019
|
|
Female Peacekeepers and Operational Effectiveness in UN Peace Operations
|
2020
|
|
Fiche technique sur le climat, la paix et la sécurité au:
Sahel
|
2021
|
|
Fiche technique sur le climat, la paix et la sécurité au:
Mali
|
2021
|
|
Finding a European response to Huawei’s 5G ambitions
|
2019
|
|
Finland og Sverige inn i NATO?:
Veien dit og konsekvenser.
|
2022
|
|
Forebygging av krig og konflikt i cyberdomenet
|
2019
|
|
A Forgotten People in an Unstable Region:
The Effectiveness of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei
|
2024
|
|
France and the European Union::
a story of reason rather than love
|
2015
|
|
From Apparatchik to President – From Businessman to Khan:
Regime Transition and Consolidation in the Russian Republics of Buryatia and Kalmykia
|
2002
|
|
From careful participant to budding partner::
China in the Sustainable Development Agenda
|
2020
|
|
Gender perspectives in UN peacekeeping innovations?:
The case of MONUSCO in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo
|
2013
|
|
Generation Putin::
Values, orientations and political participation
|
2019
|
|
The Geopolitics of Fish in the Arctic
|
2020
|
|
The Geopolitics of ‘Hearts and Minds’:
American Public Diplomacy in the War on Terrorism
|
2008
|
|
Georgia elections::
Georgian Dream still at the helm
|
2016
|
|
Georgia’s Europeanization challenged from within::
Domestic foreign policy discourses and increasing polarization
|
2021
|
|
Germany in the New Europe:
German–Russian Relations in European and Translatlantic Perspective
|
2013
|
|
Germany’s Zeitenwende in foreign and security policy::
Domestic developments and alliance dynamics after one year
|
2023
|
|
Global Changes and Norwegian Foreign- and Development Policy 2010–2020
|
2010
|
|
Global handel og medisinsk beredskap i lys av Covid-19
|
2021
|
|
Globale sikkerhetstrusler
|
2013
|
|
Governance, Social Policy, and Political Economy::
Trends in Norway’s Partner Countries
|
2021
|
|
Great Power, Arctic Power::
Russia’s engagement in the High North
|
2012
|
|
Handelen med medisinske varer og Covid-19
|
2020
|
|
Heads of States Can Change the Course of International Drugs Policy in 2016::
Where does the EU stand?
|
2015
|
|
Hegemonens hamskifte:
Bush, 11. september og amerikansk utenrikspolitikk
|
2002
|
|
The High-Level Independent Panel on UN Peace Operations
|
2015
|
|
Holding the borders, holding the centre::
the EU and the refugee crisis
|
2016
|
|
An Honourable Exit for MINURCAT?
|
2010
|
|
How Do Little Frogs Fly?:
Small States in the European Union
|
2015
|
|
How The Joint Strike Fighter Seeks To Preserve Air Supremacy For Decades To Come
|
2017
|
|
How the New Cold War travelled North (Part I):
Norwegian and Russian narratives
|
2018
|
|
How the New Cold War travelled North (Part II):
Interaction between Norway and Russia
|
2018
|
|
How to understand and deal with Russian strategic communication measures?
|
2018
|
|
Humanitarian Security Needs in the Field:
Addressing the Situation in Darfur
|
2010
|
|
HVA SKJER I NORD-KOREA?:
ASIATISK STABILITET I FARE?
|
2013
|
|
Hydroelectric Dams and Conflict in Central Asia
|
2009
|
|
The impact of COVID-19 on the performance of peace operations
|
2020
|
|
The impact of Covid-19 on the Women, Peace and Security Agenda
|
2020
|
|
In the shadow of the virus:
Varieties of power in the COVID-19 crisis in Venezuela
|
2020
|
|
Indian Perspectives on the Use of Force and the Growing Robustness of UN Peacekeeping
|
2014
|
|
Indonesia::
How to Boost Investment in Renewable Energy
|
2020
|
|
Institutional Constraints to Effective Peacebuilding in Liberia
|
2010
|
|
Inter-cultural dialogue in crises – a comparative study
|
2012
|
|
Inter-cultural dialogue in international crises
|
2012
|
|
Internasjonal valgobservasjon i Afrika Sør for Sahara:
Fødselshjelp for folkestyret eller hyllest til papirdemokratiet?
|
2004
|
|
International Cybersecurity::
Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark
|
2018
|
|
Internet governance and the UN in a multiplex world order era?
|
2023
|
|
Is liberal internationalism worth saving?:
Ad hoc coalitions and their consequences for international security
|
2024
|
|
Joint Evaluations and Learning in Complex Emergencies:
Lessons from the Humanitarian and Development Domains
|
2009
|
|
Keeping the Peace Together?:
Joint Russian-Western Peace Operations in the Commonwealth of Independent States
|
2001
|
|
Keeping up with the emerging European Defence Union::
synchronising third country participation
|
2022
|
|
Key Policies Affecting Civilian Capacities
|
2015
|
|
Krisehåndtering:
Opprinnelse, utvidelse og norsk forsvarsplanlegging
|
2009
|
|
Lao PDR::
How to Attract More Investment in Small-Scale Renewable Energy?
|
2020
|
|
L’architecture de sécurité intérieure burkinabé face à la gestion d’une crise multidimensionnelle Niagalé
|
2022
|
|
Lebanon on the brink
|
2016
|
|
Lessons from the Ebola Crisis in West Africa:
Community engagement, crisis communication and countering rumours
|
2020
|
|
Linking Regional Security and Human Rights in ASEAN
|
2012
|
|
The Long, Short, and Breadth of It::
Mapping the Pentagon’s Rebalance to Asia
|
2014
|
|
Macedonia – back in the global spotlight
|
2015
|
|
Malaysia::
How to Scale Up Investment in Renewable Energy
|
2020
|
|
Mapping renewable energy policy development at the state level in Mexico
|
2023
|
|
Measuring Russia’s attention to Europe and the world
|
2020
|
|
Meningsfull,menneskelig, kontroll?
|
2020
|
|
Military Offensive Cyber-Capabilities::
Small-State Perspectives
|
2019
|
|
MINUSMA::
Challenges on the Ground
|
2015
|
|
More bark than bite?:
Assessing China’s coercive measures in Scandinavia
|
2022
|
|
More teeth for the NATO-Tiger:
How the Framework Nation Concept can reduce NATO’s growing formation – capability gap
|
2016
|
|
More than just a petrol station::
Norway’s contribution to European Union’s green strategic autonomy
|
2023
|
|
Multilateral Cooperation and Climate-related Security and Development Risks:
Report from the UN75 Africa-Nordic Sub-regional Meeting, 3 & 4 March 2020, Dakar, Senegal
|
2020
|
|
Multilateral cooperation in the area of climate-related security and development risks in Africa:
Background Paper for UN75 Sub-regional Meeting on Multilateral Cooperation to Address Climate Related Security and Development Risks in Africa 3-4 March 2020, Dakar, Senegal
|
2020
|
|
Myanmar::
How to Become an Attractive Destination for Renewable Energy Investment?
|
2020
|
|
NATO Enlargement - Back on the Agenda
|
2015
|
|
NATO in the ‘New’ MENA Region:
Competing Priorities amidst Diverging Interests and Financial Austerity
|
2013
|
|
NATO’s 2022 Strategic Concept:
Change, Continuity and Implications
|
2022
|
|
Navigating Breakup::
Security realities of freezing politics and thawing landscapes in the Arctic
|
2023
|
|
Navigating High-Profile and Low Availability::
Norway and the Emerging US Maritime-Strategic Approach
|
2022
|
|
New Momentum for European Defence Cooperation
|
2016
|
|
Non-allied states in a changing Europe::
Sweden and its bilateral relationship with Finland in a new security context
|
2016
|
|
Norden i felt::
På oppdrag for FN og NATO
|
2000
|
|
Nordic Airpower Cooperation and Finland’s F-35 decision::
Towards a New Era?
|
2021
|
|
Nordic partnership choices in a fierier security environment::
Towards more alignment
|
2021
|
|
Norges nye vi::
Diasporaer som faktor i norsk utenrikspolitikk
|
2011
|
|
Norms and Conditionality::
The EU and Ukraine
|
2013
|
|
Norsk handel med de fattigste – mellom profitt og utviklingspolitikk
|
2012
|
|
Norsk politi i internasjonal tjeneste
|
2017
|
|
Norske interesser – sett fra utestasjonene
|
2012
|
|
Norway and the BRICS (I)::
An Overview of Emerging Power Cooperation
|
2015
|
|
Norway and the BRICS (II)::
The Current State of Play
|
2015
|
|
Norway and the BRICS (IV)::
Challenges and Opportunities
|
2015
|
|
Norway needs energy and security policy coherence
|
2022
|
|
Norway, the Joint Strike Fighter Program and its Implications for Transatlantic Defense Industrial Cooperation
|
2015
|
|
Norway’s Whole-of-Government Approach:
Challenges for Engagement with Afghanistan and Other Fragile States
|
2010
|
|
Norwegian Police in International Operations:
1989-2016
|
2017
|
|
Norwegians adapting to a changing world
|
2020
|
|
Obstacles to a Resolution of the Syrian Conflict
|
2013
|
|
Offering the diagnosis, but lacking the medicine:
UN local peacebuilding-peacekeeping nexus in Haiti
|
2012
|
|
On digital media in Lebanon’s political crisis:
Part 3 of 4 in the series: Digital technology and international politics
|
2021
|
|
One of Three Roads::
The Role of the Northern Sea Route in Evolving Sino-Russian Strategic Relations
|
2015
|
|
Operational Mentoring and Liaison Teams (OMLT)::
The Norwegian Army and their Afghan partners
|
2012
|
|
Pakistan’s Police between Centralization and Devolution
|
2010
|
|
Partnership and Discord:
Russia and the construction of a post Cold War security architecture in Europe 1991– 2000
|
2003
|
|
Pathways for peace 5th Anniversary European Consultation::
Are our concepts and theories of change for inclusion and prevention still relevant for our fast-changing conflict landscape?
|
2023
|
|
The Philippines::
How to Leapfrog from a Complicated Renewable Energy Sector to an Attractive One
|
2020
|
|
A Pivot to What?:
Asia-Pacific Foreign Policy under Trump
|
2016
|
|
Plug and Play:
Multinational Rotation Contributions for UN Peacekeeping Operations
|
2017
|
|
Policies That Protect::
The African Union and the Protection of Civilians
|
2013
|
|
Policing in Peace Operations in Africa::
A Case Study of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA)
|
2015
|
|
Predictive peacekeeping:
Opportunities and challenges
|
2018
|
|
Premien for utenlandske eierskap i Norge::
Opprinnelseslandskarakteristika og Kina-effekten.
|
2021
|
|
Preparing and Mobilizing Civilian Capacity for the Future:
Recommendations for Implementing the Guéhenno Report
|
2011
|
|
Preventing Organized Crime:
The Need for a Context Sensitive, UN System-Wide Approach
|
2020
|
|
Protecting Civilians While Fighting a War in Somalia – Drawing Lessons from Afghanistan
|
2012
|
|
The Protection of Women and Children in Liberia
|
2009
|
|
Psykisk helse, terrorisme, ekstremisme og radikalisering
|
2021
|
|
Public resistance in Russia::
Mobilizational opportunities and the effect of protest on public attitudes
|
2023
|
|
Putin’s Ancien Régime
|
2020
|
|
Reality check for the EU::
The stand-off with Russia challenges the European Union in its fundaments
|
2015
|
|
Recalibration of Norwegian development aid to Africa based on Africa’s agricultural response measures to the Ukraine War
|
2022
|
|
Regional Change:
How will the rise of China and India shape Afghanistan’s stabilization process?
|
2010
|
|
Regional Security and Human Rights Interventions:
A Global Governance Perspective on the AU and ASEAN
|
2012
|
|
Religious authority and the 2018 parliamentary elections in Iraq
|
2019
|
|
Renewable Energy Policies of the Central Asian Countries
|
2019
|
|
Resilience in the age of crises
|
2021
|
|
Rethinking Strategy::
NATO and the Warsaw Summit
|
2016
|
|
Reviewing Jihadist Governance in the Sahel
|
2021
|
|
The revival of Atlanticism in NATO?:
Changing security identities in Britain, Norway and Denmark
|
2009
|
|
Risikovurderingsverktøy mot terrorisme og ekstremisme::
Erfaringer fra kriminalomsorgen i Nederland, Storbritannia, og Sverige
|
2020
|
|
The risks of being an ally
|
2018
|
|
The Role of the CPIA and PBA at the Country Level:
Case Studies of Ethiopia and Malawi
|
2010
|
|
The Role of the SRSG in UN Integrated Missions:
Process Facilitator and Multi-stakeholder Mediator
|
2010
|
|
Russia and China in Central Asia
|
2015
|
|
Russia and Europe in memory wars
|
2020
|
|
Russian approaches to military technology:
The Northern dimension
|
2020
|
|
Russian energy and grand strategy
|
2020
|
|
Russian foreign policy as an instrument for domestic mobilization
|
2018
|
|
Russian reframing::
Norway as an outpost for NATO offensives
|
2021
|
|
Russia’s turn to Asia::
Myanmar seen from Moscow
|
2017
|
|
Russia’s turn to the East::
The Ministry for the Development of the Far East, and the domestic dimension
|
2017
|
|
Russia’s view of Georgia:
A NATO proxy yet again?
|
2020
|
|
Sceptical diplomacy::
Should heads of state bother to talk climate change science with Putin?
|
2018
|
|
Securing Cyberspace:
Coordinating Public-Private Cooperation
|
2015
|
|
Security debates and partnership choices in the Nordic states::
From differentiation to alignment
|
2022
|
|
Seeing like a Resolution?:
UNSC Resolution 1325 and Gender Issues in Liberia
|
2009
|
|
Selvforståelse og rolleforventning under ulike regimer:
En studie av den russiske intelligentsiaen før og etter kommunismens fall sett i lys av Zygmunt Baumans og Pierre Bourdieus kultursosiologi
|
2001
|
|
SGBV Capacity-building in Peace Operations::
Specialized Police Teams
|
2016
|
|
The Shifting Boundaries of Nordic Defence Cooperation
|
2020
|
|
The Shifting Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region:
Actors, Drivers and Challenges
|
2011
|
|
Should I stay or should I go?:
Security considerations for members leaving al-Shabaab in Somalia
|
2019
|
|
Sikkerhetspolitiske rammebetingelser i bevegelse
|
2018
|
|
Singapore::
How to Attract More Investment in Renewable Energy?
|
2020
|
|
Sino-Russia Strategic Alignment and Potential Impact of a Trump Presidency
|
2016
|
|
Slow Stagnation, Sudden Revolution?:
Post-Covid-19 Prospects for Political Change in Russia and Belarus
|
2020
|
|
Snowden::
impact in Norway
|
2014
|
|
Solar Power Potential of the Central Asian Countries
|
2019
|
|
The South China Sea after ‘Philippines v. China’::
Summer of Our Discontent?
|
2016
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The spiralling effects of the Sino-American trade war
|
2020
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Stat, nasjon og verneplikt:
En genealogisk analyse av stats- og nasjonsbyggingen i Norge med fokus på verneplikten
|
1999
|
|
State-owned Enterprises and the Trade Wars
|
2019
|
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A stocktaking of Norwegian engagement in security sector reform
|
2011
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Stor ståhei for ingenting?:
Debatten rundt USAs Air Sea Battle
|
2014
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Stormaktenes militærmakt::
Militær kapasitet og muligheter for å bidra med forsterkninger til Norge
|
2023
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Stormaktsinteresser og sikkerhetspolitiske utviklingstrekk i Arktis:
Mulige implikasjoner for Norge
|
2019
|
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Strategic partners against terrorism 2.0?:
Russia’s initial positions on Syria
|
2016
|
|
The Strategic Significance of Afghanistan:
A Note of Caution to the NATO Summit
|
2010
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Strategy and Credible Commitment:
A game theoretic analysis of the conflict in Afghanistan
|
2009
|
|
The subsea cable cut at Svalbard January 2022::
What happened, what were the consequences, and how were they managed?
|
2023
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|
Summary Report Norwegian Standby Roster for Civilian Observers (NOROBS):
The Role and Position of NOROBS in the Context of Norway’s Contribution to Civilian Peacemaking, Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding
|
2010
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Supermaktens akilleshæl?:
Politisk polarisering og beslutningsproblemer ved amerikanske internasjonale militære engasjement
|
2001
|
|
Surviving Brexit::
twelve lessons from Norway
|
2017
|
|
Swat::
Main Causes of the Rise of Militancy
|
2010
|
|
Synthesis Report of the Baseline Study on Civilian Capacity:
A CIVCAP Network Joint Research Project
|
2013
|
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‘Teach a person how to surf’::
Cyber security as development assistance
|
2016
|
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Telecommunications::
the underlying transport means for services exports
|
2020
|
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The Tension between UN HQ and the Field in Implementing the Protection of Civilians
|
2009
|
|
Thailand::
Improving the Business Climate for Renewable Energy Investment
|
2020
|
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Thinking Beyond:
Acting on the Ground
|
2011
|
|
Ties that Bind::
The Emerging Regional Security Complex in the Arctic
|
2016
|
|
Trade and trust::
the role of trade in de-facto state conflict transformation
|
2021
|
|
Tre trender som utfordrer norsk utenrikspolitikk
|
2019
|
|
The UK withdrawal from the EU:
Legal implications for Norway as party to the EEA Agreement
|
2017
|
|
Ukraine:
Precarious Post-electoral Reversals
|
2011
|
|
The Ukraine War, the New Geopolitics of Energy, and Norway
|
2023
|
|
UN Peace Operations and Human Rights::
A Thematic Study
|
2024
|
|
Undermining Hegemony?:
Building a Framework for Goods Substitution
|
2015
|
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Une sortie honorable pour la MINURCAT?
|
2010
|
|
UN-ICC Cooperation::
Walking A Tightrope
|
2021
|
|
United Nations Peace Operations::
Aligning Principles and Practice
|
2015
|
|
Unity in Goals, Diversity in Means:
– and the discourse on female peacekeepers in UN peace operations
|
2020
|
|
UNMISS County Support Bases::
Peacekeeping–Peacebuilding Nexus at Work?
|
2013
|
|
Upholding the NATO cyber pledge:
Cyber Deterrence and Resilience: Dilemmas in NATO defence and security politics
|
2017
|
|
The U.S. Presidential Election and its Implications on Middle East Policy
|
2016
|
|
USAs demokratiske krise og dets utenrikspolitiske konsekvenser
|
2023
|
|
US-Norway Bilateral Defense Agreements::
a partnership that strengthens NATO
|
2020
|
|
Utenlandsk eierskap i eiendom i Norge::
informasjonskilder og mulige oversikter
|
2021
|
|
Utenlandske direkteinvesteringer og eierskap i Norge
|
2021
|
|
Utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitiske holdninger i valgåret 2021
|
2021
|
|
Utenrikspolitikkens mål er å gjøre innenrikspolitikken mulig:
Geopolitikk, oljefondet og Utenriksdepartementet
|
2024
|
|
UTFORDRENDE KUNNSKAPSSAMARBEID::
Etiske og sikkerhetsrelaterte utfordringer som forskere og kunnskapsinstitusjoner i Norge møter i internasjonale samarbeid
|
2022
|
|
Veier til informasjon om utenlandsk eierskap i Norge::
kilder og metoder
|
2021
|
|
Vietnam::
Six Ways to Keep Up the Renewable Energy Investment Success
|
2020
|
|
Views from the Pivot Point::
Chinese Perceptions of Russia’s ‘Go East’ Strategy
|
2015
|
|
We Saw it Coming::
Jihadist Terrorism, Challenges for the European Union
|
2015
|
|
Weapons of Mass Destruction::
How to set up an Inspection Regime
|
2012
|
|
What is Hybrid Warfare?
|
2016
|
|
What threatens NATO — and what members can do?:
The case of Norway and Poland
|
2021
|
|
Why Franco-German leadership on European defense is not in sight
|
2019
|
|
Why Peacebuilders are “Blind” and “Arrogant” and What to do About it
|
2009
|
|
Wielding influence in a new governance architecture::
Norway, the G20 and the 2030 Agenda
|
2017
|
|
Women, Peace and Security:
Gender Challenges within UN Peacekeeping Missions
|
2014
|
|
Women, Peace and Security in Somalia::
A Study of AMISOM
|
2013
|